Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 PAGANISM IN THE MIDDLE AGES THREAT AND FASCINATION Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_01_Voorwerk.indd I 28/01/13 08:14 MEDIAEVALIA LOVANIENSIA Editorial board Geert Claassens (Leuven) Hans Cools (Leuven) Pieter De Leemans (Leuven) Brian Patrick McGuire (Roskilde) Baudouin Van den Abeele (Louvain-la-Neuve) SERIES I / STUDIA XLIII KU LEUVEN INSTITUTE FOR MEDIEVAL AND RENAISSANCE STUDIES LEUVEN (BELGIUM) Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_01_Voorwerk.indd II 28/01/13 08:14 PAGANISM IN THE MIDDLE AGES THREAT AND FASCINATION Edited by Carlos STEEL John MARENBON Werner VERBEKE LEUVEN UNIVERSITY PRESS Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_01_Voorwerk.indd III 28/01/13 08:14 © 2012 Leuven University Press / Presses Universitaires de Louvain / Universitaire Pers Leuven, Minderbroedersstraat 4, B-3000 Leuven/Louvain (Belgium) All rights reserved. Except in those cases expressly determined by law, no part of this publication may be multiplied, saved in an automated data file or made public in any way whatsoever without the express prior written consent of the publishers. ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 D/2012/1869/75 NUR: 684-694 Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_01_Voorwerk.indd IV 28/01/13 08:14 CONTENTS Introduction Ludo MILIS The Spooky Heritage of Ancient Paganisms IX 1 Carlos STEEL De-paganizing Philosophy 19 John MARENBON A Problem of Paganism 39 Henryk ANZULEWICZ Albertus Magnus über die philosophi theologizantes und die natürlichen Voraussetzungen postmortaler Glückseligkeit: Versuch einer Bestandsaufname 55 Marc-André WAGNER Le cheval dans les croyances germaniques entre paganisme et christianisme 85 Brigitte MEIJNS Martyrs, Relics and Holy Places: The Christianization of the Countryside in the Archdiocese of Rheims during the Merovingian Period 109 Edina BOZOKY Paganisme et culte des reliques: le topos du sang vivifiant la végétation 139 Rob MEENS Thunder over Lyon: Agobard, the tempestarii and Christianity 157 Robrecht LIEVENS The ‘pagan’ Dirc van Delf 167 Stefano PITTALUGA Callimaco Esperiente e il paganesimo 195 Anna AKASOY Paganism and Islam: Medieval Arabic Literature on Religions in West Africa 207 Index 239 Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_01_Voorwerk.indd V 28/01/13 08:14 Hermes Trismegistus lamenting the destruction of Egyptian Religion La Haye, Museum Meermanno-Westreenianum, Ms. 10 A 11, fol. 392 ro © La Haye, Museum Meermanno-Westreenianum Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_01_Voorwerk.indd VI 28/01/13 08:14 Brigitte MEIJNS MARTYRS, RELICS AND HOLY PLACES: THE CHRISTIANIZATION OF THE COUNTRYSIDE IN THE ARCHDIOCESE OF RHEIMS DURING THE MEROVINGIAN PERIOD1 Lemarignier’s ‘Gaule monastique’ and ‘Gaule conciliaire’ At a pioneering conference dedicated to ‘Agriculture and the Rural World in the Early Medieval West’ in the Italian town of Spoleto in 1965, Jean-François Lemarignier presented a highly powerful hypothesis, which has been influential ever since.2 While tackling the origins of places of worship, their geographical location and their organization during the Merovingian period, he determined that there were, so to speak, two Gauls: a conciliar Gaul (‘la Gaule conciliaire’) and a monastic Gaul (‘la Gaule monastique’). According to Lemarignier, both existed side by side, rather than influencing one another. With ‘conciliar Gaul’, Lemarignier meant the South of Gaul, an intensely Romanized region and the venue of most of the 6th-century Church councils. Thanks to the works of Gregory of Tours, we are well 1. I have more thoroughly explored the subject of this paper jointly with Charles Mériaux (Université Charles-de-Gaulle, Lille-3) in a lecture at the conference Les premiers temps chrétiens dans le territoire de la France actuelle. Hagiographie, épigraphie et archéologie: nouvelles approches et perspectives de recherche organized by the Centre d’Études sur le Moyen Âge et la Renaissance of the Université de Picardie Jules Verne in Amiens on 18th-20th January 2007. [Cf. B. Meijns and C. Mériaux, ‘Le cycle de Rictiovar et la topographie chrétienne des campagnes septentrionales à l’époque mérovingienne’, in D. Paris Poulain, D. Istria and S. Nardi Combescure, eds., Les premiers temps chrétiens dans le territoire de la France actuelle. Hagiographie, épigraphie et archéologie (Rennes, 2009), p. 19-33.] I am greatly indebted to Charles Mériaux for his judicious comments on an earlier version of this article. I would also like to thank former colleagues at the Department of History of the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven Werner Verbeke and Jean Goossens for carefully reading this text and for their encouragement and assistance. 2. J.-F. Lemarignier, ‘Quelques remarques sur l’organisation ecclésiastique de la Gaule du VIIe à la fin du IXe siècle principalement au Nord de la Loire’, in Agricultura e mondo rurale in Occidente nell’Alto Medioevo, 22-28 aprile 1965, Settimane di Studio del Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 13 (Spoleto, 1966), p. 451-486, especially p. 461: ‘C’est un peu comme s’il y avait deux Gaules, la Gaule conciliaire et la Gaule monastique, qui se juxtaposeraient bien plutôt qu’elles ne se pénétreraient’. Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 109 28/01/13 08:19 110 B. MEIJNS informed about the way in which faith was established in these rural areas. In this region, the bishop largely took upon himself the work of Christianization, as a founder of churches in agglomerations designated as vici. These churches were serviced by a group of clerics, responsible for the propagation of the faith in the surrounding area. Much more rare were the oratoria, rural places of worship founded by wealthy landowners on their domains (villae). Monasteries were scarce in this region, and the few that were to be found did, with some exceptions, not really inspire a following. In sharp contrast to the South of Gaul stood the North, ‘monastic Gaul’. In this more lightly Romanized region, the heartland of the Frankish rulers, the number of monastic foundations soared during the 7th century, and especially during the period 630-660. This expansive and rural kind of monasticism was very prominent between the rivers Seine and Meuse. Lemarignier situated his dividing line between the two Gauls in the region of the Seine and Paris. In his ‘monastic Gaul’ numerous abbeys, which had been founded on the estates of the Merovingian rulers and nobles, lived according to Irish-Frankish, Benedictine-Columban ideas.3 Moreover, as a result of the religious policy of several Merovingian kings and queens, these abbeys obtained some degree of autonomy at the expense of the diocesan bishop. The monks undertook missionary activities on the numerous rural domains belonging to their abbey. In this way, the Christian faith reached the rural population, which was at that time still considered predominantly pagan. Since 1965, Lemarignier’s working hypothesis, powerful in its simplicity, has received widespread acceptance. In recent publications about the Christianization of the North of Gaul, it has even been applied to the entire Merovingian period, as for instance in the special issue on Christianisation en Gaule, de Clovis à Charlemagne of the journal Mélanges 3. Cf. A. Dierkens, ‘Prolègomènes à une histoire des relations culturelles entre les îles britanniques et le continent pendant le haut moyen âge. La diffusion du monachisme dit colombanien ou iro-franc dans quelques monastères de la région parisienne au VIIe siècle et la politique religieuse de la reine Bathilde’, in eds. H. Atsma, ed., La Neustrie. Les pays au nord de la Loire de 650 à 850. Colloque historique international, Beihefte der Francia, 16-2 (Sigmaringen, 1989), p. 371-393; A. Diem, ‘Was bedeutet der « Regula Columbani »?’ in W. Pohl and M. Diesenberger, eds., Integration und Herrschaft. Etnische Identitäten und soziale Organisation im Frühmittelalter, Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-Historische Klasse, Denkschriften, 301, Forschungen zur Geschichte des Mittelalters, 3 (Vienna, 2002), p. 63-89. Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 110 28/01/13 08:19 THE CHRISTIANIZATION IN THE ARCHDIOCESE OF RHEIMS 111 de Science religieuse from 1996.4 Lemarignier himself, on the other hand, did introduce an important refinement by making a chronological distinction in his ‘monastic Gaul’ between the first missionary wave in the 6th century, which originated with the bishops in their cathedral cities, and the second phase in the 7th century of a predominantly monastic nature in the countryside.5 In this contribution, I would like to propose some slight nuances to this traditional and fairly monolithic model of the Christianization of the countryside in Northern Gaul. I will argue that traces can be found of the presence of a more diversified religious landscape, with alternative cult sites. In doing so, I will focus on the archdiocese of Rheims, a province of twelve dioceses in the area that is today northern France and the western half of Belgium. It is, clearly, impossible to ignore the spectacular proliferation of monastic foundations in this area, especially during the 7th century, which – sometimes rather quickly – are assumed to have been exclusively populated by monks or nuns from the first.6 One could, however, wonder whether this large number of monastic communities might not obscure our view of a more varied landscape possessing other foci of the Christian faith? And is not the historian’s horizon severely limited by the sources, deriving as they do predominantly from monastic circles? Surprisingly, a look at recent studies about the Christianization of the surrounding area seems to make of ‘monastic Gaul’ even more of an exception than Lemarignier ever suspected. In the Netherlands and the Rhineland, as well as in Italy, the bishop was – as was the case in 4. Cf. E. Magnou-Nortier, ‘La christianisation de la Gaule (VIe-VIIe siècles). Esquisse d’un bilan et orientation bibliographique’, in Christianisation en Gaule, de Clovis à Charlemagne, Mélanges de Science religieuse, 52 (Lille, 1996), p. 5-12; J. Blair, ‘Les recherches récentes sur la formation des paroisses en Angleterre: similitudes et différences avec la France’, in D. Iogna-Prat and E. Zadora-Rio, eds., La paroisse. Genèse d’une forme territoriale, Médiévales, 49 (2005) p. 33-44; J. Blair, The Church in AngloSaxon Society (Oxford, 2005), p. 34-43, who, however, calls Lemarignier’s distinction too rigid and supposes a certain overlap between the two Gauls. 5. Lemarignier, ‘Quelques remarques’, p. 463. 6. Cf. C. Mériaux, ‘Aux origines lointaines des paroisses en Gaule du Nord: quelques observations sur la christianisation du diocèse de Cambrai (VIe-VIIIe siècles)’, in La paroisse à l’époque préromane et romane, Cuxa, 1999 (Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, 30) p. 171-180, especially p. 175: ‘… la définition des communautés religieuses au VIIe siècle pose quelques problèmes. (…) Bref, il semble qu’il faille mettre l’accent sur le statut incertain des communautés religieuses rencontrées. Rapidement cataloguées comme monastiques, elles semblaient davantage fonctionner comme des relais pastoraux et liturgiques dans des campagnes où ni les densités de population, ni les effectifs du clergé, ni les ressources de l’Église… ne permettaient encore d’entretenir un desservant par oratoire.’ Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 111 28/01/13 08:19 112 B. MEIJNS Southern Gaul7 – definitely the key figure for providing a framework for the faithful in the countryside, among other reasons because he founded churches in vici and castra. Depending on the region, these centres of Christian life were called munsters,8 Klerikerkollegien or Landesmonasteria9 or pievi.10 Can it be that the region north of Paris, to which the archdiocese of Rheims belonged, really constituted a striking anomaly? Against the background of these general considerations, I would like to present two sources that, in my view, provide helpful starting points from which to call into question the rigid distinction between the two Gauls and more specifically to adjust somewhat the rather one-sided view of ‘monastic Gaul’. Both case studies contain indications of the existence of specific rural cult sites in the archdiocese of Rheims, in which the memory of a martyr was honoured. These cults were focused on the mortal remains of a local saint, who was supposed to have died a martyr’s death on or near the cult location. On the basis of Merovingian canon law – about which there will be more to say later – the care for relics presupposed the presence of a group of clerics. In a later period, this group might develop into a more institutionally structured community 7. A. Angenendt, ‘Die Liturgie und die Organisation des kirchlichen Lebens auf dem Lande’, in Cristianizzazione ed organizzazione ecclesiastica delle campagne nell’alto medioevo: espansione e resistenze, Settimane di studio del Centro italiano di studi sull’alto medioevo, 28 (Spoleto, 1982), p. 169-226; M. Weidemann, Kulturgeschichte der Merowingerzeit nach den Werken Gregors von Tours (Mainz, 1982); V. Saxer, ‘Les paroisses rurales de France avant le IXe siècle: peuplement, évangélisation, organisation’, in La paroisse à l’époque préromane et romane, p. 5-48; C. Pietri, ‘Chiesa e communità locali nell’Occidente cristiano (IV-VI d.C.): l’esempio della Gallia’, Società romana e impero tardoantico, 3 (1986) p. 177-210. 8. K. Van Vliet, In kringen van kanunniken. Munsters en kapittels in het bisdom Utrecht, 695-1227 (Zutphen, 2002), p. 64-68 and passim. 9. J. Semmler, ‘Mission und Pfarrorganisation’, in Cristianizzazione, p. 823-859; J. Semmler, ‘Monachus – clericus – canonicus. Zur Ausdifferenzierung geistlicher Institutionen in Frankenreich bis ca. 900’, in S. Lorenz and T. Zotz, eds., Frühformen von Stiftskirchen in Europa. Funktion und Wandel religiöser Gemeinschaften vom 6. bis zum Ende des 11. Jahrhunderts. Festgabe für Dieter Mertens zum 65. Geburtstag, Schriften zur südwestdeutschen Landeskunde, 54 (Leinfelden-Echterdingen, 2005), p. 1-18, especially p. 12-17; F.-J. Heyen, ‘Das bischöfliche Kollegiatstift ausserhalb der Bischofsstadt in frühen und hohen Mittelalter am Beispeil der Erzdiözese Trier’, in I. Crusius, ed., Studien zum weltlichen Kollegiatstift in Deutschland, Veröffentlichungen des MaxPlanck-Instituts für Geschichte, 114 – Studien zur Germania Sacra, 18 (Göttingen, 1995), p. 35-61. 10. C.D. Fonseca and C. Violante, eds., Pieve e parrochie in Europa dal Medioevo all’età contemporanea, Commissione italiana per la storia delle pieve e delle parrocchie, Studi e Ricerche, 2 (Galatina, 1990); H. Zielinski, ‘Kloster und “Stift” im langobardischen und fränkischen Italien’, in Frühformen von Stiftskirchen, p. 97-161, especially p. 127-130. Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 112 28/01/13 08:19 THE CHRISTIANIZATION IN THE ARCHDIOCESE OF RHEIMS 113 of, for example, canons or monks. However, this was not necessarily the case, and precisely this makes it hard to trace such cult places. It is highly unlikely that these burial basilicas operated independently from the diocesan bishop. Even when the bishop was not personally responsible for the creation of a certain cult, he more than likely strove to subject it to his supervision.11 It is, in any case, reasonable to assume that these loca sanctorum played a specific role in the Christianization of the space, beside the far better known and more visible monastic communities of that period.12 The process of Christianization in the Archdiocese of Rheims13 The archdiocese of Rheims goes back to the Roman province of Belgica secunda. The conciliary lists, the only contemporary documents at our disposal, can – to some extent – be relied on to trace the very slow progress of the propagation of the faith in this region. The signature of a bishop on a list of conciliar decrees implies the existence of an episcopal see, which presupposes the presence of an organized community of Christians. The first network of episcopal churches was organized around 11. On the episcopal right of control of the cult of relics: H. Delehaye, Sanctus. Essai sur le culte des saints dans l’Antiquité, Subsidia hagiographica, 17 (Brussels, 1927), p. 180-185; B. Beaujard, Le culte des saints en Gaule. Les premiers temps. D’Hilaire de Poitiers à la fin du VIe siècle, Histoire religieuse de la France, 15 (Paris, 2000), p. 408409. 12. On the concept of loca sanctorum: L. Pietri, ‘Loca sancta. La géographie de la sainteté dans l’hagiographie gauloise (IVe-VIe siècle)’, in S. Boesch Gajano and L. Scaraffia, eds., Luoghi sacri e spazi della sanctità (Turin, 1990), p. 23-36; S. Boesch Gajano, ‘Des loca sanctorum aux espaces de la sainteté. Étapes de l’historiographie hagiographique’, in J. Pirotte and E. Louchez, eds., Deux mille ans d’histoire de l’Église: Bilan et Perspectives historiographiques, Revue d’Histoire ecclésiastique, 95,3 (Louvain, 2000), p. 48-70; A. Vauchez, ed., Lieux sacrés, lieux de culte, sanctuaires: approches terminologiques, méthodologiques, historiques et monographiques, Collection de l’École française de Rome, 273 (Rome, 2000). 13. This overview is largely based on: C. Pietri, ‘Remarques sur la christianisation du nord de la Gaule (IVe-VIe siècles)’, Revue du Nord, 66 (1984), p. 55-68; J. Pycke and J. Dumoulin, ‘L’évangélisation de la Belgique seconde du IIIe au VIe siècle. État de la question.’, in Recueil d’Etudes d’Histoire hainuyère offertes à Maurice A. Arnould (Mons, 1983), vol. 1, p. 439-460; M. Weideman, ‘Die kirchliche Organisation der Provinzen Belgica und Germania vom 4. bis zum 7. Jahrhundert’, in P. Bange and A.G. Weiler, eds., Willibrord, zijn wereld en zijn werk (Nijmegen, 1990), p. 285-316; P. Demouy, Genèse d’une cathédrale. Les archevêques de Reims et leur église aux XIe et XIIe siècles (Langres, 2005), p. 183-187; L. Pietri, e.a., eds., Topographie chrétienne des cités de la Gaule des origines au milieu du VIIIe siècle, 14. Province ecclésiastique de Reims (Belgica Secunda), (Paris, 2006), p. 18-19 and passim. Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 113 28/01/13 08:19 114 B. MEIJNS Rheims. In this administrative capital of the Roman province from the Late Empire, a bishop is already attested in 314, one year after Christianity had become religio licita. In the 4th century, bishops are also mentioned for Châlons-sur-Marne, Soissons, Amiens, and for the Nervii, a bishop without a permanent see in the area around Bavay and Cambrai. Itinerant missionaries supposedly gave the initial impetus to the evangelization of the north and west of the archdiocese, at that time still truly a mission field. The settlement of the ‘barbarians’, acutely felt in this region, disrupted the situation, as becomes clear from, among other sources, the gaps in the lists of bishops. After Clovis came to power at the end of the 5th century, stability returned and great pains were taken to restore Christianity and continue the work of evangelization, two endeavours Remigius of Rheims had very much at heart during his long episcopacy, from c. 460 to c. 530. This metropolitan, schooled in the best Roman tradition, was responsible for the restoration of the dioceses of Soissons, Amiens and Châlonssur-Marne, and for the installation of new bishops in Laon, Senlis and the Vermandois area (either in Vermand, or already in Noyon). In the civitates of the Atrebati and the Nervii, the faith was preached by Vedastus, possibly at the instigation of Remigius, but without occupation of a permanent see. The installation of the first bishop of Tournai might also date back to the time of Remigius. At the end of the 6th century, there was the establishment of an episcopal see in Beauvais and of a see in Cambrai at the expense of Arras. With the appointment of Omer as missionary bishop in Thérouanne by King Dagobert and Bishop Acharius of Noyon-Tournai, and with the joining of the dioceses of Tournai and Noyon during the first decades of the 7th century, the formal organization of the archdiocese of Rheims came to an end. The topography of most of these episcopal cities – especially those of the oldest generation – shows similarities with the cathedral cities of southern Gaul.14 The ecclesia, the cathedral, was located within the perimeter protected by what was left of the walls of the Roman castellum, and in certain cases, as in Amiens and Rheims, there was an intra muros community of nuns. In the necropoles along the Roman approach roads in the suburbium, burial basilicas were situated, where the graves of the martyrs or of the first bishops were serviced by the episcopal clergy. 14. Cf. Pietri, et al., eds., Topographie chrétienne. Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 114 28/01/13 08:19 THE CHRISTIANIZATION IN THE ARCHDIOCESE OF RHEIMS 115 If the institution of the episcopal sees in this region is often somewhat unclear, it is still more difficult to find information about the process of Christianization in the countryside and about the continued existence of pagan cults.15 The nature of the available sources precludes an easy answer to these questions. The textual sources, mainly of a hagiographical nature, pose complicated problems where critical interpretation is concerned, and it is often completely impossible to discover the historical reality behind the hagiographical topos. Moreover, certain sources – mostly hagiographical documents – possess the remarkable quality of becoming more loquacious the further the facts being discussed are from the time of writing. This clearly does not enhance their trustworthiness. The interpretation of archaeological finds is also open to discussion.16 The same goes for the interpretation of lists of bishops, and conciliary and penitentiary sources.17 At the risk of proceeding far too schematically, one might say that the establishment of Christianity in the southern half of the archdiocese of Rheims took place earlier than in the northern missionary field, and, as a result, took better hold there. The question remains what exactly is meant by the assimilation of the Christian faith, since Ludo Milis has convincingly demonstrated that this is a process without end.18 Nevertheless, it should be kept in mind that Christianity had been the official religion of the Roman Empire ever since the 4th century, and that the establishment of the still pagan Frankish groups in this area can, at most, only have been a temporary disruption. Several studies, among them the study by Yitzhak Hen, have demonstrated that the Frankish 15. C. Mériaux, Gallia irradiata. Saints et sanctuaires dans le nord de la Gaule du haut Moyen Âge, Beiträge zur Hagiographie, 4 (Stuttgart, 2006), p. 20-31 (sources) and p. 21-51 (paganism). 16. A. Dierkens, ‘Christianisme et “paganisme” dans la Gaule septentrionale aux Ve et VIe siècles’, in D. Geuenich, ed., Die Franken und die Alemannen bis zur “Schlacht bei Zülpich” (496/497), Ergängzungsbände zum Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde, 19 (Berlin – New York, 1998), p. 451-474; S. Racinet, ‘Recherches archéologiques et textuelles sur les traces de la christianisation en Picardie’, in Christianisation en Gaule, p. 43-60. 17. J. Dubois, ‘Les listes épiscopales, témoins de l’organisation ecclésiastique et de la transmission des traditions’, in P. Riché, ed., La christianisation des pays entre Loire et Rhin (IVe-VIIe siècle). Actes du colloque de Nanterre (3-4 mai 1974), Revue d’Histoire de l’Église en France, 62-168 (Paris, 1976; reprint: Cerf, Histoire religieuse de la France, 2, Paris, 1993), p. 9-23. 18. L. Milis, ‘La conversion en profondeur: un processus sans fin’, in Actes du colloque Saint Géry et la christianisation dans le nord de la Gaule. Ve-IXe siècles, Lille, 1986, Revue du Nord, 68, p. 487-498. Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 115 28/01/13 08:19 116 B. MEIJNS aristocracy, at least, presented itself since the 6th century as being exclusively Christian in a society which had to a large extent been Christianized.19 The Cycle of Rictiovarus The first source, or rather set of sources, to which I would like to draw attention, is the so-called Cycle of Rictiovarus20. This cycle consists of six passiones in which some – mainly Roman – missionaries become the victims of one and the same persecutor, to wit Rictiovarus. According to these stories, Rictiovarus was a prefect under Maximian, who was emperor together with Diocletian between 285 and 305. Camille Jullian, who examined the cycle in 1923, thought one could identify this figure with the commander of a group of barbarians mentioned in the Notitia Dignitatum, the Raetobarii.21 The Notitia Dignitatum is a precious Roman itinerary from about 400 and the document indicates that these Raetobarii were stationed between Rheims and Amiens as Roman auxiliary troops. According to Maurice Coens, the oldest spelling of the name, Rigoalis, contains the stem Ricja, which is Germanic for ‘king’ or ‘powerful leader’22. Whatever may be the case, this Rictiovarus is mentioned only in these Latin passiones and nowhere else, which may cause us to seriously doubt his 19. Y. Hen, Culture and Religion in Merovingian Gaul A.D. 481-751, Cultures, Beliefs and Traditions. Medieval and Early Modern Peoples, 1 (Leiden – New York – Cologne, 1995), p. 154-206 (Chapter six: Superstitions and Pagan Survivals). 20. L. Duchesne, Fastes épiscopaux de l’Ancienne Gaule, III, Les provinces du Nord et de l’Est (Paris, 1915), p. 141-152: ‘Appendice. De quelques légendes relatives aux origines chrétiennes dans la province de Reims’; C. Jullian, ‘Notes Gallo-Romaines. C. Questions hagiographiques. Le cycle de Rictiovar’, Revue des Études anciennes, 25 (1923), p. 367-378; H. Leclercq, ‘Rictiovarus’, Dictionnaire d’archéologie chrétienne, 14 (1940-1948), col. 2419-2422; M. Coens, ‘Nouvelles recherches sur un thème hagiographique: la céphalophorie’, Bulletin de la classe des Lettres de l’Académie royale de Belgique, 5e série, 48 (1962), p. 231-253, reprint: M. Coens, Recueil d’études bollandiennes, Subsidia Hagiographica, 37 (Brussels, 1963), p. 9-31, here p. 12-21; R. Kaiser, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der Civitas und Diözese Soissons in römischer und merowingischer Zeit, Rheinisches Archiv. Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Geschichtliche Landeskunde der Rheinlande an der Universität Bonn, 89 (Bonn, 1973), p. 141-143; L. Pietri, ‘La christianisation de la Belgique Seconde (IVe-VIe siècle)’, in D. Bayard, ed., La Picardie, berceau de la France. Clovis et les derniers Romains. 1500me anniversaire de la bataille de Soissons, 496-1986 (s.l., 1986), p. 173-182, especially 173-174; Racinet, ‘Recherches archéologiques’, 55-58. 21. Jullian, ‘Notes’, p. 375-376. 22. M. Coens, ‘Aux origines de la céphalophorie. Un fragment retrouvé d’une ancienne passion de S. Just, martyr de Beauvais’, Analecta Bollandiana, 74 (1956), p. 86-114, here p. 103-104. Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 116 28/01/13 08:19 THE CHRISTIANIZATION IN THE ARCHDIOCESE OF RHEIMS 117 historicity. What is more, this assessment might actually be applied to the entire cycle, ever since Louis Duchesne characterized the Passio sancti Quintini as ‘a work of imagination’ in the appendix to his Fastes épiscopaux de l’ancienne Gaule of 191523. Since then, other historians who have studied this problem have agreed with this opinion. Does this mean that the cycle of legends is completely useless for historical research? Not at all. Thanks to the passiones, it is possible to discover how – at the time when these stories were put into writing – people thought the first preaching of the Christian faith had taken place. Moreover, these sources supply the evidence for the existence of locally venerated saints, who were seen as martyrs for the Christian faith. It is precisely this aspect to which I will now pay closer attention. The criterion for any passio to be counted among the Cycle of Rictiovarus, is that the demise of the main character be the result of a martyr’s death imposed by Rictiovarus. By this standard, six passiones belong to the cycle, more specifically the passions of the Roman missionaries Quintinus24, Crispinus and Crispinianus25, Valerius and Rufinus26, Victoricus and Fuscianus27, the child-martyr Justus of 23. Duchesne, Fastes, p. 143: ‘Sauf le nom du saint et le lieu de son culte, la passion de s. Quention est, d’un bout à l’autre, une œuvre d’imagination’ and p. 143: ‘… Rictiovarus, personnage inconnu d’ailleurs et très évidemment imaginaire.’ 24. Passio prima et inventio (Bibliotheca hagiographica latina (Brussels, 1898-1901), nr. 6999-7004): De S. Quintino martyre Augustae Viromanduorum in Gallia, B. Bossue, ed., Acta Sanctorum, Octobris, 13 (Paris, 1883), p. 781-787; Passio secunda et inventio (BHL 7005-7007): ibidem, p. 787-793; cf. J.-L. Villette, ‘Passiones et inventiones S. Quintini, l’élaboration d’un corpus hagiographique du Haut Moyen Âge’, in Vies de saints dans le Nord de la France (VIe-XIe s.), Mélanges de Science religieuse, 56 (Lille, 1999), p. 49-76, who situates the origin of the Passio prima et inventio at the start of the 8th century and that of the Passio secunda et inventio in the 9th century. 25. Passio BHL 1990: De SS Crispino et Crispiniano MM., B. Bossue, ed., AASS Octobris, 11 (Paris and Rome, 1868), p. 535-537; cf. H. Delehaye, Étude sur le légendaire romain, les saints de Novembre et de Décembre, Subsidia hagiographica, 23 (Brussels, 1936), p. 126-129. 26. Passio (BHL 7373): De SS. Rufino et Valerio martyribus in agro Suessionensi, G. Henskens, ed., AASS Iunii, 3 (Paris and Rome, 1867), p. 285-286; Passio by Paschasius Radbertus, abbot of Corbie (843/4-851) (BHL 7374) based on a libellus given to him by the inhabitants of the place where the martyrs were executed and which was possibly the Passio BHL 7373: Paschasius Radbertus, De passione SS. Rufini et Valerii, J.-P. Migne, ed., Patrologia Latina, 120 (Paris, 1852), col. 1489-1508, here col. 1489. 27. Passio (BHL 3226): C. Salmon, ‘Actes inédits des saints martyrs Fuscien, Victoric et Gentien’, Mémoires de la Société des Antiquaires de Picardie, 18 (1861), p. 113-143, with an edition of a version of the Passio from an 11th century manuscript from Paris, Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève, BBl nr. 43. According to Salmon the edition by Ghesquière in the AASS Belgii, I, p. 166-169, only gives a summary of the SainteGeneviève manuscript. Inventio (BHL 3229): Salmon, ibidem, p. 144-147. Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 117 28/01/13 08:19 118 B. MEIJNS Auxerre28 and the female martyr Macra29. These last two passiones together with the passio of Lucianus30, a companion of Quintinus, who was not martyred by Rictiovarus himself, but who is associated with Rictiovarus’ victims in several manuscripts, were probably afterwards added to the oldest core concerning the Roman missionaries. Louis Duchesne has demonstrated that the stories belonging to this oldest core show great similarities, with regard to content as well as to form31. All of these stories also follow a similar pattern: Rictiovarus unrelentingly persecutes Christians, he learns about the presence and the activities of the heroes in question, he hunts them down and claps them in irons, terrible tortures alternate with violent discussions about the renunciation of the Christian faith, an angel appears to the heroes during their captivity, and, finally, the protagonists are led to the place of execution and decapitated, their bodies are either thrown into a nearby river (Quintinus, Rufinus and Valerius), or just left behind (Crispinus and Crispinianus, Victoricus and Fuscianus). The main obstacle is always the heroes’ unwillingness to offer to the Roman gods (mentioned are Jupiter, Apollo, Mercury, Saturn, Diana and Venus). They underscore their refusal by testifying to their Christian faith in a few 28. Passio (BHL 4590): De S. Justo puero et martyre, E. Carpentier, ed., AASS, Octobris, 8 (1853), p. 338-342; M. Coens, ‘Aux origines’, p. 94-96 (Altera pars passionis S. Iusti); cf. H. Röckelein, ‘Just de Beauvais alias Justin d’Auxerre: l’art de dédoubler un saint. Avec l’édition de la Passio s. Iustini (BHL 4579) par François Dolbeau et Hedwig Röckelein’, in M. Heinzelmann, ed., Livrets, collections et textes. Études sur la tradition hagiographique latine, Beihefte der Francia, 63 (Ostfildern, 2006), p. 323-360; Cf. P. H. Wasyliw, Martyrdom, Murder, and Magic. Child Saints and their Cults in Medieval Europe, Studies in Church History, 2 (New York, 2008). 29. Passio (BHL 5126): De Sancta Macra virgine martyre in territorio Remensi, G. Henskens, ed., AASS Ianuarii 1 (Brussels, 1863), p. 325-326; Translatio (BHL 5127): ibidem, p. 326. Although preserved in 11th or 12th century manuscripts, the vita and translatio can probably be situated in the 9th century (cf. infra). Flodoard looks back on her martyr’s death, burial, translation and on the miracles she produced: Flodoard of Rheims, Die Geschichte der Reimser Kirche, M. Stratmann, ed., Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores, 36 (Hannover, 1998), book IV c. 51, p. 453-454. 30. Passio S. Luciani (BHL 5008): Ch. Salmon, ‘Actes inédits de S. Lucien’, Mémoires de la Société des Antiquaires de la Picardie, 25 (1861) p. 490-494 and Les Passions de saint Lucien dérivés céphalophoriques, H. Moretus Plantin, ed. (LouvainParis, 1953), p. 66-70; Passio s. Luciani (BHL 5010): Ibidem, Moretus Plantin, ed., p. 74-82 (rewriting from the first third of the 9th century by a benedictine monk); Passio s. Luciani, Maxiani atque Iuliani (BHL 5009) by bishop Odo of Beauvais (861-†881) from c. 860: ibidem, Moretus Plantin, ed., p. 86-107; Coens, ‘Nouvelles recherches’, p. 21; Pietri, e.a., eds., Topographie chrétienne, p. 133 and p. 139. 31. Duchesne, Fastes, p. 143: ‘Dans le trame du récit et même dans le détail de la rédaction, elles décèlent une parenté littéraire incontestable’. Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 118 28/01/13 08:19 THE CHRISTIANIZATION IN THE ARCHDIOCESE OF RHEIMS 119 sentences. There is always a final attempt by Rictiovarus to persuade them by promising them gold and other honours, offers that they promptly reject with great indignation. It is not easy to state precisely the period in which the passiones belonging to the Cycle of Rictiovarus originated, and this problem certainly deserves further research. With the exception of Macra, all the stories are preserved in 8th or 9th-century manuscripts. The passiones of Lucianus, Justus, Quintinus, Crispinus and Crispinianus and Victoricus and Fuscianus are preserved in a manuscript from the abbey of Corbie dated at the turn of the 8th-9th centuries.32 However, in the view of the editor H. Moretus Plantin, the copyist of the Passion of Lucianus seems to have made an effort to render a Merovingian text more acceptable to his Carolingian readers.33 Also for the Passio Iusti a Merovingian origin seems highly likely since the discovery of a fragment of this work in a manuscript from the first half of the 8th century, which probably goes back to a 7th-century Vorlage34. The same Corbie manuscript also contains the Passiones of Crispinus and Crispinianus, as well as Victoricus and Fuscianus in their eldest occurrence. The Passio prima et inventio of Quintinus was written in the course of the 7th century, but opinion differs regarding the exact moment, before or after the inventio by Saint Eligius (641-660). The oldest manuscript containing this hagiographical text goes back to the 8th century.35 Only the vita of Macra was written down no earlier than the 9th century, probably on the occasion of the translation of her relics to a new church in her honour, an event which, according to the Translatio and to Flodoard’s Historia ecclesiae Remensis, took place 32. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 12598; Coens, ‘Aux origines’, p. 87-88; Coens, ‘Nouvelles recherches’, p. 13: ‘un codex de la seconde moitié du VIIIe siècle’. We find the passiones of the same saints also in Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale, ms D V 3; cf. Meijns and Mériaux, ‘Le cycle de Rictiovar’, n. 13. For a detailed analysis of the contents of this manuscript: M. Gaillard, ‘Remarques sur les plus anciennes versions de la Passio et de l’Inventio des saints Fuscien, Victoric et Gentien’, in M. Goullet, ed., Parva pro magnis munera. Études de littérature tardo-antique et médiévale offertes à François Dolbeau par ses élèves (Turnhout, 2009), p. 397-409. 33. Les passions, Moretus Plantin ed., p. 18. 34. Coens, ‘Aux origines’, p. 86-114; Coens, ‘Nouvelles recherches’, p. 13-20; Kl. Zechiel-Eckes, ‘Unbekannte Bruchstücke der merowingischen Passio sancti Iusti pueri (BHL 4590c)’, Francia, 30-1 (2003) p. 1-8, concerning the discovery of another, severely mutilated, fragment from the same codex, probably of Northumbrian origin dating from the end of the 8th century; cf. Meijns and Mériaux, ‘Le cycle de Rictiovar’, n. 20. 35. Villette, ‘Passiones’, p. 63-64. Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 119 28/01/13 08:19 120 B. MEIJNS during the reign of Charlemagne.36 So, there are numerous indications that these stories, except the one about Macra, were already circulating in the 8th century, while the passiones of Quintinus and Justus even suggest late Merovingian origins (7th century or the first half of the 8th century).37 But there is more. Quintinus, Crispinus and Crispinianus, as well as Valerius and Rufinus and Victoricus and Fuscianus had certainly been venerated since the end of the 6th century. These martyrs appear in the Auxerre version of the Martyrologium Hieronymianum, which was recorded under the episcopacy of Aunacharius (561- †605)38. In it, their names were entered on the same day and month as given in their passiones. The location of their graves also corresponds in the two sources. The mention of what H. Delehaye called ‘coordonnées hagiographiques’39 implies veneration near the graves of these martyrs. Moreover, the registration of their names in this oldest martyrology proves that their cult was already quite well known and widespread at the end of the 6th century. Quintinus, however, is not present in the Auxerre version, but his name appears in a manuscript of the Martyrologium Hieronymianum from England from the start of the 8th century.40 But already at the end of the 6th century, a cult near Quintinus’s grave is mentioned by Gregory of Tours in his Liber in gloria martyrum.41 The bishop of Tours probably based his account on a lost passio and inventio of Quintinus. In his Historia Francorum, Gregory mentions a basilica devoted to Crispinus and Crispinianus in the episcopal city of Soissons.42 Justus appears for the 36. De Sancta Macra virgine, Henskens, ed, p. 326; Duchesne, Fastes, p. 146. 37. Coens, ‘Aux origines’, p. 106. 38. Martyrologium Hieronymianum, J.-B. De Rossi and L. Duchesne, eds., AASS Novembris, 2,1 (Brussels, 1894); Duchesne, Fastes, p. 141-142; cf. J. Dubois, Les martyrologes du Moyen Âge latin, Typologie des sources du Moyen Âge occidental, 26 (Turnhout, 1978), p. 33-37. 39. Dubois, Les martyrologes du Moyen Âge latin, p. 71; R. Aigrain, L’hagiographie, ses sources, ses méthodes, son histoire (Paris, 1954), p. 252-253. 40. Villette, ‘Passiones’, p. 64 (Agusta Veromandorum sancti Quintini martyris) and p. 55 n. 32 with a reference to other martyrologies mentioning Quintinus. 41. Gregory of Tours, Liber in gloria martyrum, MGH, Scriptores rerum merovingicarum, 1,2, B. Krusch, ed. (Hannover, 1885; reprint 1969), p. 86-87 c. 72: ‘Apud Virmandinsim vero oppidum Galliarum Quintinus martyr quiescit, cuius beatum corpus a quadam religiosa, quae dudum fuerat caecata, repperitur..’; cf. Pietri, e.a., eds., Topographie chrétienne, p. 74-76. 42. Gregory of Tours, Libri historiarum X, B. Krusch and W. Levison, eds., MGH, SRM, 1,1 (Hannover, 1937 and 1942), book V, c. 34, p. 240-241 and book IX, c. 9, p. 423; cf. Pietri, e.a., eds., Topographie chrétienne, p. 55-57. Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 120 28/01/13 08:19 THE CHRISTIANIZATION IN THE ARCHDIOCESE OF RHEIMS 121 first time in 8th-century additions to the Martyrologium Hieronymianum.43 Macra turns up in the so-called ‘litanies carolines’, copied between 783 and 794 in Notre-Dame at Soissons44. Justus, Macra and Lucianus are all present in the 9th-century martyrologies of deacon Florus of Lyon († 860), of archbishop Ado of Vienne (c. 855-865) and of Usuard, monk of Saint-Germain-des-Prés (c. 860-870).45 So it would seem that the cycle of stories was written at a time when the martyrs in question – or rather their tombs – had already been the object of local veneration for decades, if not centuries46. Following Jullian and Duchesne, I believe that the historic value of this cycle lies, among other things, in the numerous geographic locations mentioned.47 These are very precise, not only concerning the burial places of saints, but also with regard to the river system and – even more so – the road system in the southern half of the archdiocese of Rheims, since almost all events take place along Roman highways, known to us from ancient itineraries. Moreover, most of these roads still exist today, as French departmental roads.48 The depositio martyrum in the Cycle of Rictiovarus contains the following elements: Quintinus’s final resting place was situated on a hill in present-day Saint-Quentin, which was in Roman times called Augusta Viromanduorum or Augusta Vermandorum, an important road junction on the left bank of the Somme and, until the middle of the 3rd century, 43. Justus appears in the abbreviated version of the Martyrologium Hieronymianum, which is called Gellone from the second half of the 8th century, cf. Coens, ‘Aux origines’, p. 107-108. 44. M. Coens, Anciennes litanies des saints, Subsidia hagiographica, 37 (Brussels, 1963), p. 286; A. Krüger, Litanei-Handschriften der Karolingerzeit, MGH, Hilfsmittel, 24 (Hannover, 2007), p. 78-90, 347-349 and here p. 497. 45. Cf. J. Dubois and G. Renaud, Édition pratique des martyrologes de Bède, de l’Anonyme lyonnais et de Florus (Paris, 1976); J. Dubois and G. Renaud, Le martyrologe d’Adon, ses deux familles, ses trois recensions. Texte et commentaire, Sources d’histoire médiévale publiées par l’Institut de recherche et d’histoire des textes (Paris, 1984); J. Dubois, Le martyrologe d’Usuard. Texte et commentaire, Subsidia hagiographica, 40 (Brussels, 1965). 46. Maybe the striking discrepancy between the first occurence of the cult of certain martyrs (6th century) and the oldest manuscripts containing their passiones (7th-8th centuries) can be explained by the fact that these passiones are part of hagiographical collections. These legendaria are much better preserved than the source material they must used, the older libelli dedicated to a particular saint. 47. Duchesne, Fastes, p. 149; Jullian, ‘Notes’, p. 370-371; Racinet, ‘Recherches archéologiques’, p. 55-58. 48. Cf. M. Rouche, ‘L’héritage de la voirie antique dans la Gaule du Haut Moyen Âge (Ve-XIe siècle)’, in M. Rouche, ed., Le choc des cultures. Romanité, Germanité, Chrétienté, durant le Haut Moyen Âge (Lille, 2003), p. 37-58. Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 121 28/01/13 08:19 122 B. MEIJNS the caput civitatis, before the nearby oppidum of Vermand assumed this role in the Late Empire.49 When Gregory of Tours writes about the grave of Quintinus at the end of the 6th century, the place is a somewhat sleepy town in the shadow of the episcopal city of Vermand, 12 kilometres to the west. The basilica of Crispinus and Crispinianus, mentioned by Gregory, was located outside the Roman walls of the episcopal city of Soissons.50 Moreover, until the erection of a burial basilica in honour of Bishop Medardus, who died c. 561, this was the only suburban burial basilica of Soissons. Lucianus’s grave, too, was situated in a suburban basilica, just northwest of Beauvais, the caput civitas of the Bellovaci and a castrum in the Late Empire.51 In both Soissons and Beauvais, the burial basilicas stood along important Roman approach roads and on the site of ancient necropoles. Victoricus and Fuscianus and their comrade, the converted pagan Gentianus, were venerated in the place that is now known as Sains-en-Amienois, where a Christian burial inscription has been unearthed.52 It is located 8 kilometres southeast of the episcopal city of Amiens, along the Roman road towards Saint-Just-en-Chaussée and Senlis. As the name already suggests, Saint-Just-en-Chaussée is the final resting place of the child-martyr Justus.53 This Roman stopping place where the road between Beauvais and Vermand crosses the road between Senlis and Amiens was called Sinomovicus in Antiquity. Rufinus, Valerius and Macra found their final resting place along the Via 49. Jullian, ‘Notes”, p. 373-374; J.-L. Collart, ‘Le déplacement du chef-lieu des Viromandui au Bas-Empire, de Saint-Quentin à Vermand’, Revue archéologique de Picardie, 3-4 (1984), p. 245-258; J.-L. Collart and M. Gaillard, ‘Vermand, Saint-Quentin et Noyon: le chef-lieu d’une cité à l’épreuve de la christianisation’ in A. Ferdière, ed., Capitales éphémères (Tours 6-8 mars 2003). Des capitales de cités perdent leur statut dans l’Antiquité tardive, actes du colloque de Tours (6-8 mars 2003), Revue archéologique du Centre, 25e supplément (Tours, 2004), p. 83-102; Pietri, e.a., eds., Topographie chrétienne, p. 74-76. 50. Pietri, e.a., eds., Topographie chrétienne, p. 55-56. 51. Pietri, e.a., eds., Topographie chrétienne, p. 138-140. 52. The place of execution is traditionnaly situated in nearby Saint-Fuscien. Salmon, ‘Actes inédits’, p. 151 and p. 153; Jullian, ‘Notes’, p. 370 n. 1. During the 19th century a late 6th- or 7th-century epitaph of a certain ‘Ansebertus’ was found in Sains-en-Amienois, cf. S. Nardi Combescure, ‘Le culte de Victoric, Fuscien et Gentien et les recherches de l’abbé Messio à Sains-en-Amiénois (1863-1874). Chronique d’une fouille du XIXe siècle’, in G. Gros, ed., Champ fructueux. Images du legs estéthique et religieux de la Picardie de la latinité tardive au XIXe siècle (Amiens, 2007), p. 17-36; Pietri, ‘La Christianisation de la Belgique Seconde’, p. 181. 53. Coens, ‘Aux origines’, p. 101-102 and p. 107-108; Jullian, ‘Notes’, p. 370; M. Roblin, Le terroir de l’Oise aux époques gallo-romaine et franque. Peuplement, défrichement, environnement (Paris, 1978), p. 201-202 and 229-230. Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 122 28/01/13 08:19 THE CHRISTIANIZATION IN THE ARCHDIOCESE OF RHEIMS 123 Agrippae from Soissons to Rheims; Rufinus and Valerius in Bazochessur-Vesle54 – which probably derives from the Latin word Basilica55 – and Macra barely 5 kilometres east from there, in Fismes, a name derived from fines, Latin for ‘border’.56 Indeed, Fismes marked the boundary between the Roman civitates, and the medieval dioceses, of Soissons and Rheims. Bazoches was the final border station on the territory of Soissons, Fismes on that of Rheims. Oddly enough, the name of the female martyr of Fismes, Macra, reminds us of the word marca, the Germanic word for ‘border’.57 In this sacred topography, apart from the suburbium of the old episcopal see of Soissons and the much more recent cathedral city of Beauvais, the location in vici, towns or sites along Roman roads stands out, namely in Saint-Just – the old Sinomovicus – Bazoches, Fismes and SaintQuentin, which in the 9th century was called Vicus Sancti Quintini. Vici are secondary agglomerations of Gallo-Roman origin, situated along major Roman roads and generally spawned by important commercial, religious or agricultural activity.58 It is precisely in such places that the bishops of Lemarignier’s ‘conciliar Gaul’ founded important churches, 54. De SS. Rufino et Valerio, Henskens, ed., p. 286: ‘Ducti autem sunt eminus, quasi septem passuum [millia] juxta callem publicum, super littora Vidole fluminis, ubi beati Martyres martyrio sunt decorati…’. Paschasius Radbertus, De passione SS. Rufini et Valerii, Migne, ed., col. 1508: ‘… juxta pervium publicum super ripam fluminis Vuindolae’. Cf. Jullian, ‘Notes’, p. 368; Duchesne, Fastes, p. 145-146; Kaiser, Untersuchungen, p. 263. 55. Flodoard is the first to give the exact name of the place of execution and burial of Rufinus and Valerius: Flodoard, Die Geschichte der Reimser Kirche, ed. Stratmann, book IV, §53: ‘ad villam, quae Basilica dicitur… ad ecclesiam sanctorum martyrum…’. In Flodoard’s time the relics were still honoured in the local church. 56. The vita and translatio omit the exact location of the tomb, although the translatio mentions a church dedicated to St Martin near Macra’s original burial place to which she is transferred many years after her death. In the vita, Macra’s place of torture is situated on a island between the rivers Vesle and Ardre, which have their confluence in Fismes: ‘… in insulam, quae vocatur Litia, ubi Arida fluviolus in fluvium influit Vidulam.’ De Sancta Macra virgine, Henskens, ed., p. 325; Duchesne, Fastes, p. 146; Jullian, ‘Notes’, p. 371-372; Demouy, Genèse, p. 195-196. 57. Jullian, ‘Notes’, p. 372 n. 8. 58. C. Delaplace, ‘Les origines des églises rurales (Ve-VIe siècles). À propos d’une formule de Grégoire de Tours’, Histoire et sociétés rurales, 18 (2002) p. 11-40, here p. 23; J.-P. Petit and M. Mangin, eds., Les agglomérations secondaires. La Gaule Belgique, les Germanies et l’Occident romain. Actes du colloque de Bliesbruck-Reinheim/ Bitche (Moselle), 21, 22, 23 et 24 octobre 1992 (Paris, 1994), p. 223-246 (Picardie). On archpriests: R. Godding, Prêtres en Gaule mérovingienne, Subsidia hagiographica, 82 (Brussels, 2001), p. 240-265; J. Avril, ‘Une association obligée: l’archiprêtré ou doyenné’, Revue d’Histoire de l’Église en France, 93 (2007), p. 25-40. Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 123 28/01/13 08:19 124 B. MEIJNS which were serviced by a group of clerics led by an archpriest (archipresbiter). The passiones in the Cycle of Rictiovarus do not explicitly mention clerics near the grave of the martyr, but this is not exceptional for this literary genre. They do, however, mention pilgrims flocking to the tomb,59 and the occurrence of miracles, and some even indicate that a place of prayer was built.60 According to the first Passio Luciani the heathen inhabitants of Beauvais built a monumentum novum on the site of the execution of Lucianus and his comrades. Later, Christians replaced the building with a templum novum. The Carolingian rewritings of the Passio speak of a basilicam admodum non parvam61 and bear witness to the vigour of the local cult in the 9th century. The Passio of the Soissons martyrs Crispinus and Crispinianus, conserved in the Corbie manuscript from the turn of the 8th to 9th centuries, describes the building of a magnam ecclesiam above their burial place.62 The discovered fragment of the Passio Iusti speaks about an important flocking towards the tomb of the child martyr on his feast day and ends with the desire that God should hear the prayers of the faithful ‘for us, for our bishop and his clergy, for our king and his army, for the sick and for the Christian people’.63 However, a place of prayer, miracles and pilgrims necessarily presupposes the presence of a group of clerics to steer the local cult in the right direction.64 This presupposition is confirmed by certain canons of 59. Cf. the Passio of Victoricus and Fuscianus: Salmon, ‘Actes inédits’, p. 141: ‘… mox quidam fideles christiani clam pergentes ad locum quo corpora sanctorum inhumata iacebant concorditer pervenerunt, eaque cum hymnis et laudibus pro ut causa tempusque dictaverat sepulture tradentes, pro eorum fide atque constantia et martirii palma glorificaverunt deum dicentes.’ The story of the inventio, which is situated in the 6th century, mentions the building of a templum and the occurrence of miracles. Salmon, ibidem, p. 147. 60. Cf. Passio prima et inventio sancti Quintini: De S. Quintino, Bossue, ed., p. 786. 61. Les passions, Moretus Plantin, ed., p. 106; cf. Pietri, e.a., eds., Topographie chrétienne, p. 139. 62. De SS. Crispino et Crispiniano, B. Bossue, ed., p. 537; Pietri, e.a., eds., Topographie chrétienne, p. 56. 63. Coens, ‘Aux origines’, p. 96: ‘Martirizatus est autem sanctus Iustus innocens quinto decimo kalendas novembris et sepultus est a parentibus suis in loco quod ipse elegit sibi [= Saint-Just-en-Chaussée]. In quo loco multi in sollemnitate eius et tota die dar(e) gloriam et honorem Deo conveniunt. Cuius oratio pro nobis, pro pastore nostro et omni clero, pro reg(e) nostro et eius excercitu, pro infirmantibus et omni populo intercedat ad Deum Patrem omnipotentem…’. 64. Delaplace, ‘Les origines’, p. 11-40 with reference to the canons of the Merovingian councils; L. Pietri, ‘Les abbés de basilique dans la Gaule du VIe siècle’, Revue d’Histoire de l’Église en France, 69 (1983), p. 5-28; H. Noizet, ‘Les basiliques martyriales au VIe et au début du VIIe siècle’, Revue d’Histoire de l’Église en France, 87 (2001), p. 329-355; Beaujard, Le culte des saints en Gaule, p. 333-354; cf. B. Meijns, ‘Des Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 124 28/01/13 08:19 THE CHRISTIANIZATION IN THE ARCHDIOCESE OF RHEIMS 125 Merovingian councils. Most explicit is canon 25 of the council of Epaone in 517: ‘That the relics of the saints would not be placed in the oratories of the estates, except if such an oratory is situated in the neighbourhood of the clerics of some parish, who might surround those sacred ashes with frequent psalmody. If these are not present, they will not be ordered to come there for that purpose until sufficient food and clothing are available for them’.65 This canon echoes the concern of the bishop that relics, housed in private churches on domains, might not be surrounded with sufficient reverence. The care for the relics evidently implied the presence of a group of clerics with sufficient material means to fulfil their liturgical tasks undisturbed. Apart from their topographical precision, most passiones also offer an explicit account of the precise location of the martyr’s grave. The anonymous authors make use of two techniques to do so: either the failed translation, or the theme of the ‘cephalophory’. In the passiones of Quintinus, Victoricus and Fuscianus and Rufinus and Valerius, an attempt to transfer the saintly remains to another place was thwarted, because the bodies of the martyrs became too heavy to be moved. After a blind Roman noblewoman had miraculously found the body and severed head of Quintinus, which had been dumped in the river Somme,66 her attempt to transfer it to the nearby episcopal city of Vermand failed because the basiliques rurales dans le nord de la France? Une étude critique de l’origine mérovingienne de quelques communautés de chanoines’, Sacris Erudiri. A Journal on the Inheritance of Early and Medieval Christianity, 41 (2002), p. 301-340; B. Meijns, ‘La christianisation des campagnes. Quelques observatoins sur la présence des basiliques rurales dans la province ecclésiastique de Reims’, in L. Verslype, ed., Villes et campagnes en Neustrie. Sociétés – Économies – Territoires – Christianisation. Actes des XXVe Journées Internationales d’Archéologie Mérovingienne de l’A.F.A.M, Europe médiévale, 8 (Montagnac, 2007), p. 293-300. 65. Delaplace, ‘Les origines’, p. 30: ‘Sanctorum reliquiae in oratoriis villarebus non ponantur, nisi forsitan clericàs cujuscumque parociae vicinus esse contingat, qui sacris cineribus psallendi frequentia famulentur. Quod si illi defuerint, non ante propriae ordinentur, quam eis compitens victus et vestitus substantia depotetur.’ Cf. also Les canons des conciles mérovingiens (VIe-VIIe siècles), J. Gaudemet and B. Basdevant, eds. and transl., Sources chrétiennes, 353-354 (Paris, 1989), vol. 1, p. 112-113. 66. Passio prima et inventio: De S. Quintino, B. Bossue, ed., p. 783 (Passio prima): ‘Tunc Ricciovarus jussit custodire corpus beati viri Quintini usque in noctem, et secrete jussit in fluvium supplumbare corpus ejus, et de limo terræ cooperire præcepit, dicens quod nec corpus beati viri Quintini a populo christiano honorem aut laudem accipiat.’; (Inventio) p. 785: ‘… vade intra Gallias, require locum qui dicitur Agusta Veromandorum, juxta fluvium qui vocatur Somna, ubi transit agger publicus qui venit de Ambianensium civitate et pergit contra Lugdunum Clavatum. In ipso igitur loco require, et invenies sub aqua cadaver sancti Quintini, mei martyris. At ubi revelatum latens per te in populo fuerit demonstratum…’; cf. Racinet, ‘Recherches archéologiques’, p. 55-56. Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 125 28/01/13 08:19 126 B. MEIJNS remains refused to go beyond Augusta Vermandorum, present-day SaintQuentin67. Finally, she decided to erect a small church on the spot of the discovery and she promptly regained her sight. Something similar happened according to the Passio when, at an unspecified moment, the clergy and people tried to carry the bodies of Rufinus and Valerius from Bazoches-sur-Vesle to Rheims, but were unable to lift them because of their enormous weight.68 Also the transport of the martyrs Victoricus and Fuscianus from their resting place in Sains-en-Amienois, which was hidden by woods (criptam obtectam nemoribus), to Paris, after the inventio during the reign of a king Childebert, probably Childebert I of Paris (511-558), was stopped in a similar manner.69 Moreover, in this last case, the martyrs chose their own final resting place by picking up their severed heads and taking them for a one kilometre stroll.70 Their final destination was the place where their recently converted companion Gentianus had lived. This bizarre act of Victoricus and Fuscianus is a good example of ‘cephalophory’, namely the activity of a martyr picking up his decapitated head in order to carry it to the place of his choice for his burial.71 Lucianus too, according to his second and third Passio from the 9th century, took his head into his own hands and crossed a small local river near Beauvais, the Thérain, collapsing on the other side closer to the Roman city.72 Finally, there is the nine-year-old martyr Justus. This 67. Passio prima et inventio: De S. Quintino, B. Bossue, ed., (Inventio) p. 786: ‘Tunc præfata matrona, accipiens venerabile corpus, involvit eum in linteamine mundo et voluit eum in Viromandis civitatem sepelire. Cumque in iter proficiscerentur, venerunt in quoddam municipium quod Agusta Veromandorum nuncupatur; deponentes eum, quia præ pondere ambulare non poterant. Cognoscens autem hæc quæ agebantur, præfata matrona sepelivit eum in eodem loco, et super sepulcrum ejus cellulam ædificavit; et pro beneficio sepulturæ, exiit ab oculis ejus tamquam squamæ et lumen oculorum recepit … Statim quanticumque ibi in ipsa hora infirmi venerunt, pristinam receperunt sanitatem.’ Duchesne, Fastes, p. 144; Villette, ‘Passiones’, p. 53. 68. De SS. Ruffino et Valerio, Henskens, ed., p. 286; Paschasius Radbertus, De passione SS. Rufini et Valerii, Migne, ed., col. 1508. 69. Salmon, ‘Actes inédits’, p. 144-147 (Inventio); Duchesne, Fastes, p. 147-148. 70. Salmon, ‘Actes inédits’, p. 141-142: ‘Nam cum abscisis iacerent truncata capitibus, divina sunt gratia disponente super pedes erecta, et manibus propria recipientes capita, firmo recto que gradu ad hospitium beati gentiani de quo educti fuerant revenerunt, ut quia eum exortando habuerant comitem, cum eodem simul dormirent in requie.’ Coens, ‘Nouvelles recherches’, p. 20. 71. Coens, ‘Nouvelles recherches’, p. 9-10 and p. 16-17. 72. According to the first Passio Luciani, Lucianus and his companions Maximianus and Julianus were martyred on a hillside overlooking the river Thérain (quasi quattuor milia ab urbe civitatis Belloacensium in montem super amnis Tare). The Passio secunda describes Lucianus carrying his head from the place of execution, now three miles from Beauvais, to his burial place uno a praedicata urbe milliario distans in agello publico. Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 126 28/01/13 08:19 THE CHRISTIANIZATION IN THE ARCHDIOCESE OF RHEIMS 127 is the earliest known example of ‘cephalophory’, even though Justus was not an ambulant cephalophore. According to his passio, he placed his severed head in his lap and calmly communicated his final wishes regarding the location of his burial, namely in a maqueria antiqua, an ancient construction near a spring called Sirica, the source of the river l’Arré, a tributary of the Oise.73 The latter description is typical for the precision with which the original burial places are located in the cycle. The question in the case of Justus remains, to what extent this is an example of the reuse of what might have been an ancient cult location since Roman times, considering the small dilapidated ancient building and the spring.74 Even though the content of the passiones from the Cycle of Rictiovarus is legendary, the importance attached to the topographical location and the legitimization of the final resting place reveal the presence of burial basilicas for persons considered to be martyrs in the countryside and in the areas surrounding the episcopal cities of Beauvais, Soissons and Amiens during the Merovingian period. On the basis of the presence of certain martyrs in the Martyrologium Hieronymianum and in the works of Gregory of Tours, the existence of the basilicas in Soissons (Crispinus and Crispinianus), Saint-Quentin (Quintinus), Sains-en-Amienois (Victoricus and Fuscianus) and Bazoches-sur-Vesle (Valerius and Rufinus) might even be dated as early as the second half of the 6th century.75 Interestingly, the entire archdiocese of Rheims, at the end of the This description is also adopted by the writer of the third Passio. Les Passions, Moretus Plantin, ed., p. 68 (Passio prima), p. 78 (Passio secunda) and p. 106 (Passio tertia). 73. Coens, ‘Aux origines’, p. 95: ‘… et viderunt corpus eius et sedentem et capud suum in sino suo tenentem… Et loquebatur lingua de ca(pi)te et dixit ad eos: Ite in speluncam et quaerite maceriam antiquam opertam de sidulio et de edera et infodite corpus meum…’ and p. 96: ‘et postquam reversi sunt pueri Rizoalis imperato(ris) removi corpusculum eius et sepelivi eum in maceria antiqua quae est in pago Belacinse iuxta S(iric)a fontem (ex) q(uo) procedit (A)reano flumen.’ 74. M. Roblin, ‘Fontaines sacrées et nécropoles antiques, deux sites fréquents d’églises paroissiales rurales dans les sept anciens diocèses de l’Oise’, in Riché, ed., La christianisation, p. 235-251, here p. 242-243. 75. Duchesne, Fastes, p. 146-147 n. 2, mentions the discovery in the neigbourhood of Pettau in the Roman province of Noricum (part of present-day Austria) of a 4th century bronze lamp with an inscription referring to the cult of a certain ‘Crispinus’. In 1978 a glass bowl was found in the grounds of Darenth Park Hospital, Dartford (Kent) in England on the site of an Anglo-Saxon cemetery in a tomb containing a male skeleton buried at the end of the 5th or the start of the 6th century. The decorated glass bowl probably dates from the 3rd quarter of the 5th century and has an inscription that mentions a saint ‘Rufinus’ or ‘Rufina’. At least 21 similar bowls (but lacking a Rufinus/a inscription) have been unearthed, of which 19 originated in the Aisne region (France) or the region around Namur (Belgium). Cf. L. Webster, D. Harden, M. Hassall, ‘Exhibits at Ballots. 2. The Darenth Park Bowl’, The Antiquaries Journal, 60 (1980), p. 338-340 + plate LXIII. With Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 127 28/01/13 08:19 128 B. MEIJNS 6th century, did not yet contain a single monastic community, with the exception of the intra muros female communities of Saint-Martin in Amiens and Saint-Pierre-le-Haut in Rheims.76 The martyrial basilicas in Beauvais, Saint-Just-en-Chaussée and Fismes might date from the 7th century, the century par excellence of monastic foundations; they more than likely already existed during the first half of the 8th century. The passiones reveal nothing about the initiators of the local devotions. Did these cults originate spontaneously, for instance as a result of the discovery of a grave with the mortal remains of a child without a skull? I refer here to the youthful martyr Justus, whose decapitated head was carried, at some point, back to his mother in Auxerre and was venerated there.77 Did the Merovingian bishops create a devotion in a certain location, for instance by a staged inventio? Did the 6th and 7th-century bishops of Northern Gaul act as impresarios for the veneration of saints, as their Late Antique colleagues had done around the shores of the Mediterranean, as has been described by Peter Brown?78 In whatever manner the cult originated, the bishop – being the main dignitary responsible for Christianization in all its forms – would have closely followed the development of the local devotions, by virtue of his office.79 Indeed, the burial basilicas which were spread over the dioceses of Amiens, Beauvais, Soissons and Rheims would, as focal points for Christian devotion, have played a very tangible role in the establishment of the faith in the country and in providing a framework for the devotions of the recently converted. A transfer to the episcopal city itself was discouraged by the topoi of the failed translations and the cephalophorous martyrs. Some martyr’s graves were – possibly intentionally – established in rural vici and were clearly supposed to stay there.80 The fact that the body of Quintinus became too heavy to be transported from Augusta to nearby Vermand almost certainly reflects the rivalry between Saint-Quentin and Vermand during the 8th and 9th century.81 Highly intriguing is the localization of the cult sincere thanks to Didier Bayard (DRAC-Picardie, Service Régional Archéologique) for pointing out this archaeological find. 76. Pietri, et al., eds., Topographie chrétienne, p. 39-40 (Rheims) and p. 151-152 (Amiens) with reference to the sources and secondary litterature. 77. Coens, ‘Aux origines’, p. 105-106. 78. P. Brown, The cult of the saints. Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity (Chicago, 1981), p. 31-49. 79. Beaujard, Le culte des saints en Gaule, p. 408-409; Racinet, ‘Recherches archéologiques’, p. 58. 80. Coens, ‘Aux origines’, p. 114; Coens, ‘Nouvelles recherches’, p. 10. 81. Jullian, ‘Notes’, p. 374 n. 2; Racinet, ‘Nouvelles recherches’, p. 56. Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 128 28/01/13 08:19 THE CHRISTIANIZATION IN THE ARCHDIOCESE OF RHEIMS 129 places of Bazoches-sur-Vesle and Fismes, very close to one another but each apparently defining the frontier of their respective dioceses, Soissons and Rheims.82 Even though the bishop’s role is not mentioned in the passiones, the later history of several of the burial basilicas clearly demonstrates that they had strong ties with the episcopal see. This close relationship with the bishop or the cathedral is very prominent when looking at the basilicas located in the countryside, at some distance from the episcopal city. The church where Macra’s body was honoured in Fismes was the setting for two synods of the Church of Rheims, one in 881 under archbishop Hincmar,83 another in 935 under archbishop Artold.84 According to the distribution of the prebends of the cathedral chapter of Rheims from 1249 and 1328, the church of Fismes was assigned to the prebend of one of the cathedral canons.85 At the start of the 12th century the churches of Saint-Just-en-Chaussée and Bazoches-sur-Vesle were attended by a college of secular canons.86 Although the origins of these canonical 82. Cf. C. Delaplace, ‘La mise en place de l’infrastructure ecclésiastique rurale en Gaule à la fin de l’antiquité (IVe-VIe après J.-C.)’, in La paroisse à l’époque préromane et romane, p. 153-170, especially p. 166-16: ‘Le zèle missionnaire des évêques et de leurs clercs les a t-il conduits à évangéliser d’abord les zones-frontières des diocèses, de façon à éviter que de grands vides ne se fissent entre les cités épiscopales voisines? Y avait-il une volonté de marquer en quelque sorte le territoire de la cité, d’en signaler les frontières diocésaines afin d’éviter des conflits de territorialité entre les évêchés contigus?’; Blair, The Church in Anglo-Saxon Society, p. 37 n. 111. 83. Hincmar of Rheims, Capitula in synodo apud S. Macram ab Hincmaro promulgata, J.-P. Migne, ed., Patrologia Latina, 125, Paris, 1852, col. 1069-1086, here col. 1069-1070: ‘…apud martyrium sanctae Macrae, in loco qui Finibus Rhemensis parochiae, in nomine Christi convenimus…’; G. Schmitz, ‘Hincmar von Reims, die Synode von Fismes 881 und der Streit um das Bistum Beauvais’, Deutsches Archiv, 35 (1979), p. 463486. 84. Flodoard, Die Geschichte der Reimser Kirche, p. 417, book IV, c. 25: ‘Anno post istum secuto synodo septem episcoporum apud sanctam Macram Artoldo episcopo vocante convenit. In qua predones et ecclesiarum rerum pervasores ad satisfactionem venire vocantur’; I. Schröder, Die westfränkische Synoden von 888 bis 987 und ihre Überlieferung, MGH, Hilfsmittel 3 (München, 1980), p. 229; Flodoard also mentions the synod in his Annales at the year 935: The annals of Flodoard of Reims, 919-966, S. Fanning and B.S. Bachrach, transl., Readings in Medieval Civilizations and Cultures, 9 (Peterborough, 2004), p. 36; M. Sot, Un historien et son église. Flodoard de Reims (Paris, 1993), p. 343. 85. Pouillés de la Province de Reims, Recueil des historiens de la France, Pouillés, 6, A. Longnon, ed. (Paris, 1908), p. 6 E (1249: belonging to the prebend of a certain canon Romanus, archdeacon) and p. 52 B (1328: belonging to a canon and deacon called Petrus de Chambly). 86. Bazoches: Kaiser, Untersuchungen, p. 264 n. 232 and A. Luchaire, Louis VI le Gros. Annales de sa vie et de son règne (1081-1137), (Paris, 1890), p. 263 nr. 577 (referring to a letter of bishop Joscelin of Soissons, informing the canons of Bazoches that their church will become a priory of Marmoutier). Saint-Just-en-Chaussée: D. Lohrmann, Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 129 28/01/13 08:19 130 B. MEIJNS communities are obscure, the close association with their respective bishops is clear.87 The church of Bazoches was not only the seat of a deanery during the Middle Ages, which is an indication of the ecclesiastical prominence of the place; the bishop of Soissons had, according to Flodoard, a residence built next to the church where he stayed when visiting Bazoches.88 The church of Saint-Just-en-Chaussée was a proprietary church of the bishops of Beauvais and stood under episcopal governance until 1119. The bishops were responsible for the distribution of the prebends of the secular canons until they were replaced by regular canons in 1119.89 Even the suburban basilica of Saint-Lucien in Beauvais, which developed into an important monastic community, was closely associated with the episcopacy. According to a charter of Charles the Bald dating from 868 the abbey was subditum atque conjunctum sanctae nostrae ecclesiae Belvacensi and, in later times, the abbey belonged to the mensa Papsturkunden in Frankreich. Neue Folge. 7. Band, Nördliche Ile-de-France und Vermandois, Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen. PhilologischHistorische Klasse, Dritte Folge, nr. 95 (Göttingen, 1976), p. 45 and 63. Secular canons are mentioned in the charter of bishop Peter of Beauvais from 1119: Gallia Christiana, X (Paris, 1751), col. 250-251; L. Pihan, ‘Saint-Just-en-Chaussée. Étude historique et archéologique’, Mémoires de la Société académique de l’Oise, 11 (1880), p. 443-786, here p. 684-691. 87. Flodoard, Die Geschichte der Reimser Kirche, Stratmann, ed., p. 455 speaks about the presence of a priest and several subordinate priests attending the church of the martyrs Rufinus and Valerius in Bazoches during the episcopacy of bishop Riculfus of Soissons (c. 889-900). Traditionally, the foundation of a basilica above the tombs of the two martyrs and the foundation of a community of canons was attributed to bishop Lupus of Soissons or archbishop Remigius. Cf. Kaiser, Untersuchungen, p. 226-227 n. 6 with reference to further litterature, and p. 263-264. 88. Pouillés, Longnon, ed, p. XXVIII and p. 95; Flodoard, Die Geschichte der Reimser Kirche, Stratmann, ed., p. 456; Sot, Un historien, p. 243-245. 89. Bishop Peter of Beauvais confers the distribution of the prebends at that moment to the regular canons: Gallia Christiana, X, col. 250-251: ‘Praebendarum vero dispositiones quae prius in manu nostra erant, eis omnino dimisimus’. In the same charter, the bishop states that the ‘justitiam ecclesiasticam post episcopum, jus archidiaconale et capellam integram in eadem ecclesia, et in parrochia pertinentem ad eamdem ecclesiam’ were granted by his predecessors to the collegiate church of Saint-Just. When the regular canons of Saint-Just were replaced by premonstratensians in 1147, bishop Odo of Beauvais designates the church as ecclesia nostra (Gallia christiana, X, col. 256-257). However, it is not clear how long the church had already belonged to the mensa episcopalis. Pihan, ‘Saint-Just-en-Chaussée’, p. 691-696; Lohrmann, Papsturkunden, p. 63; O. Guyotjeannin, Episcopus et comes. Affirmation et déclin de la seigneurie épiscopale au nord du royaume de France (Beauvais-Noyon, Xe-début XIIIe siècle), (Genève-Paris, 1987), p. 20, who considers Saint-Just as one of the ‘importants centres du temporel épiscopal’ from 1015 onwards. Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 130 28/01/13 08:19 THE CHRISTIANIZATION IN THE ARCHDIOCESE OF RHEIMS 131 episcopalis.90 Moreover, it was from the tomb of Lucianus that the new bishops of Beauvais departed to make their solemn entry in the city, and from the 9th century onwards there is evidence for the burial of several bishops in the church of Saint-Lucien.91 During the Carolingian period, Benedictine monks had replaced the clerics of the suburban basilica in Soissons where the relics of Crispinus and Crispinianus rested.92 However, the abbey of Saint-Crépin-le-Grand came under royal influence in the course of the 9th and 10th centuries. The burial basilica of Quintinus in Saint-Quentin was headed by an abbot in Carolingian times – one was Hugo, one of Charlemagne’s sons – and was generously favoured by the Carolingian rulers.93 At that time, the abbey became an eminent place of pilgrimage consisting of a considerably extended Merovingian basilica and a newly built crypt, and a chapel along the Somme on the spot where the body of the saint had been discovered by Eusebia; the martyr Quintinus was the subject of a prolific hagiographical production. In the 11th century secular canons had replaced the Benedictine monks, a situation which probably goes back to the middle of the 10th century. The collegiate church of Saint-Quentin was one of the most prestigious and important churches of the Vermandois region during the Middle Ages and the early modern period. The martyrial basilica at Sains-en-Amienois, the burial place of Rufinus and Valerius near Amiens, on the other hand, did not develop into a community of canons or monks. According to a late medieval inventory of benefices, the patron of the church was the abbot of SaintFuscien. The abbey of Saint-Fuscien was founded in 1105 in honour of the local martyr in the homonymous village where the martyrdom of 90. Guyotjeannin, Episcopus et comes, p. 17; L.-E. Deladreue et Mathon, Histoire de l’abbaye de Saint-Lucien, Mémoires de la Société académique de l’Oise, 8 (1871-1873) p. 258-285 and 541-704. 91. C. Fons, ‘L’abbaye de Saint-Lucien de Beauvais. Étude historique et archéologique’, Positions de thèses de l’École nationale des chartes, (1975) p. 77-84; cf. L. Renet, Saint Lucien et les autres saints du Beauvaisis, Beauvais, 1892-1895, 3 vol.; J. Becquet, Abbayes et prieurés de l’ancienne France. Recueil historique des archevêchés, évêchés, abbayes et prieurés de France, 18. Province ecclésiastique de Reims. Diocèse actuel de Beauvais (Ligugé, 1989), p. 124-129. 92. Lohrmann, Papsturkunden, p. 166-167; J. Becquet, Abbayes et prieurés de l’ancienne France. Recueil historique des archevêchés, évêchés, abbayes et prieurés de France, 17. Province ecclésiastique de Reims. Diocèse actuel de Soissons (Ligugé, 1985), p. 173-177. 93. Becquet, Abbayes et prieurés 17, p. 91-97; Lohrmann, Papsturkunden, p. 104105; Villette, ‘Passiones’, p. 68-69. Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 131 28/01/13 08:19 132 B. MEIJNS Fuscianus and his companions was by tradition located, only two kilometres north of Sains-en-Amienois.94 The Life of St Eligius A far clearer example of episcopal initiative regarding the promotion of saints’ cults established in burial basilicas is to be found in the Life of St Eligius. The life of this saint, bishop of Noyon-Tournai, was probably written between 673 and 675, more than a decade after his death, by his friend St Audoenus, bishop of Rouen.95 Although the version preserved was composed before 743 by a monk from the abbey of Saint-Éloi in Noyon, recent research suggests that this version is much closer to the vita prima than was formally thought.96 In the second book, the author mentions the intensive search undertaken by Eligius from the moment he was consecrated bishop in 641. The purpose of this quest was to find the bodies of saints who had died a martyr’s death.97 In the story, we see Eligius in action in the vicus of Seclin, in the diocese of Tournai, where he discovered the remains of the martyr Piatus, who had supposedly propagated the faith in Belgica secunda at the end of the 3rd century, and again at the burial basilica of Quintinus in the diocese of Noyon, which also appeared in the Cycle of Rictiovarus. But also two other burial basilicas from this cycle play a part in the Life of St Eligius, namely that of Crispinus and Crispinianus, and that of Lucianus, situated respectively in the episcopal cities of Soissons and Beauvais, so outside Eligius’s own diocese of Noyon-Tournai. According to the hagiographer, Eligius made an inventio in all these places, because ‘he had, because of his virtues, 94. Pouillés, Longnon, ed., p. 536 E (pouillé from 1301); Gallia Christiana, X, col. 299-300; J. Becquet, Abbayes et prieurés de l’ancienne France. Recueil historique des archevêchés, évêchés, abbayes et prieurés de France, 16. Province ecclésiastique de Reims. Diocèse actuel d’Amiens (Ligugé, 1981), p. 138. 95. Vita Eligii episcopi Noviomagensis, B. Krusch, ed., MGH SRM, 4 (Hannover, 1902; reprint 1977), p. 634-761; Vie de saint Éloi, I. Westeel, transl. (Noyon, 2002). 96. M. Banniard, ‘Latin et communication orale en Gaule franque: le témoignage de la « Vita Eligi »’, in J. Fontaine and J.N. Hillgarth, Le septième siècle. Changements et continuités, Studies of the Warburg Institute, 42 (London, 1992), p. 58-86; Mériaux, Gallia irradiata, p. 353 nr. 18; C.M.M. Bayer, ‘Vita Eligii’, Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde, 35 (2007) col. 461-524. 97. Vita Eligii, Krusch, ed., p. 697-700, Book II c. 7; cf. P. Fouracre, ‘The work of Audoenus of Rouen and Eligius of Noyon in extending episcopal influence from the town to the country in seventh-century Neustria’, in D. Baker, ed., The Church in Town and Countryside, Studies in Church History, 16 (Oxford, 1979), p. 77-91. Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 132 28/01/13 08:19 THE CHRISTIANIZATION IN THE ARCHDIOCESE OF RHEIMS 133 received from the Lord the ability to discover the bodies of the martyrsaints, who had been hidden from the people during so many centuries until this day’.98 A careful reading of the passages concerned, combined with the knowledge already at our disposal about the burial basilicas gleaned from the Cycle of Rictiovarus, leads to suspicion that Eligius’s inventiones were merely a hagiographical topos. Eligius’s action in the burial basilica in honour of Quintinus is described first, and in most detail.99 After three days of fasting and after intensive digging, Eligius found the grave of the saint in the back of the church. The grave was opened and some corporeal and non-corporeal relics were removed, following which the mortal remains were placed behind the main altar, in a tomb made by Eligius himself, ‘of admirable craftsmanship, made of gold, silver and precious stones’.100 He also stimulated the enlargement of the church, the better to cope with the pilgrims flocking to the tomb. Eligius’s action was successful, unlike the endeavour of a certain Maurinus, the cantor of the royal palace, who paid for his vain effort to try to find Quintinus with his life.101 A clear message that discovering saints’ bodies was an episcopal prerogative. But was this really a case of an inventio ex nihilo? Probably not. The Inventio sancti Quintini, belonging to the hagiographical dossier of this saint, offers a plausible explanation for the excavations.102 According to this source, the original chapel built by order of Eusebia, the blind noblewoman who had discovered the body and head of Quintinus, had fallen into decay. After a miraculous rediscovery by a King Childeric during a hunting party, it was replaced by a new basilica. However, during the construction, the floor had been tiled and they had neglected to mark 98. Vita Eligii, Krusch, ed., p. 697, Book II c. 6: ‘Huic itaque viro sanctissimo inter cetera virtutum suarum miracula id etiam a Domino concessum erat, ut sanctorum martyrum corpora, quae per tot saecula abdita populis actenus habebantur, eo investigante a nimio ardore fidei indagante, patefacta proderentur; siquidem nonnulla venerabantur prius a populo in locis quibus non erant, et tamen quo in loco certius humata tegerentur, prorsus ignorabatur.’; Vie de saint Éloi, Westeel, transl., p. 82. 99. Vita Eligii, Krusch, ed., p. 697-699, Book II c. 6; Vie de saint Éloi, Westeel, transl., p. 82-84. 100. Vita Eligii, Krusch, ed., p. 699, Book II c. 6: ‘tumbam denique ex auro argentoque et gemmis miro opere desuper fabricavit.’ 101. Vita Eligii, Krusch, ed., p. 697-699, Book II c. 6; Vie de saint Éloi, Westeel, transl., p. 82-84. 102. Inventio (BHL 7015): Inventio secunda corporis S. Quintini Veromanduensis martyris ex Cod. Paris. lat. 5301, Analecta Bollandiana, 8 (1889), p. 429-442 edition based on a late 10th C. manuscript. Cf. L. Van der Essen, ‘Vies de saint Médard et de saint Éloi’, Annuaire de l’Université catholique de Louvain, 68 (1904) p. 372-390, here p. 384389; Villette, ‘Passiones’, p. 53, 61-62 and 66-69. Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 133 28/01/13 08:19 134 B. MEIJNS the exact spot of the martyr’s grave. Could the digging be inspired by the ordinary desire to find the precise place where Quintinus had been buried? Archaeological excavations have established the continued occupation of the ecclesial site on the basis of burials during the 6th and 7th century, so we might suppose a continuation of the veneration of Quintinus.103 Anyway, once he had discovered them, Eligius made clever use of his find by transferring the saint’s remains to a far more prominent place, namely behind the main altar. Something similar probably happened in the suburban basilica in honour of Crispinus and Crispinianus in Soissons.104 The vita states only that Eligius removed the remains of these martyrs from a crypt, and that he decorated their new grave with remarkable ornaments. And he also made a splendid tomb for the martyr Lucianus in Beauvais. In neither of these cases was there an inventio in the strict sense of the word, that is, the vita does not breathe a word about it. These martyrs were perhaps well known at the time, their memory was honoured in the churches where their graves could be seen and venerated. It is possible that only in Seclin did Eligius literally discover a longforgotten martyr.105 Here too, the remains were interred in a mausoleum made by Eligius. Nothing is known about the veneration of this late 3rd-century martyr previous to Eligius’s intervention around the middle of the 7th century. The Passio of Victoric and Fuscianus (eldest occurrence in the Corbie handschrift from the turn of the 8th-9th centuries) mentions Piatus alongside Victoricus and Fuscianus, Rufinus and Valerius, Crispinus and Crispinianus, Quintinus and some others who were sent from Rome to accompany St Denys on his missionary activity in 103. Collart and Gaillard, ‘Vermand, Saint-Quentin et Noyon’, p. 96-98; Pietri, e.a., eds., Topographie chrétienne, p. 75-76. 104. Vita Eligii, Krusch, ed., p. 700, Book II c. 7: ‘Suessonis quoque civitate sanctos martyres et germanos Crispinum et Crispinianum ex quadam cripta prolatos mirifice conposuit eorumque memoriam insigni ornamento decoravit necnon et Belloacus municipio beatum martyrem Lucium, collegam quondam sancti Quintini, inventum similiter fabricavit atque conposuit; sed et alias quam multas memoriis sanctorum inpendit diligentias, quae nunc non sufficit narrantis evolvere lingua.’ Vie de saint Éloi, Westeel, transl., p. 85. 105. Vita Eligii, Krusch, ed., p. 699-700, Book II c. 7: ‘Post haec [the inventio of Quentin] simili modo grandi labore atque instantia invenit in territurio Medenantense vico Saclinio sanctum martyrem Piatonem, cui similiter clavos prolixos ex corpore ablatos populis in argumentum monstravit. Corpus denique, sicut martyrem decuit, eliganter conposuit atque mausoleum urbane desuper fabricavit.’ Vie de saint Éloi, Westeel, transl., p. 85. Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 134 28/01/13 08:19 THE CHRISTIANIZATION IN THE ARCHDIOCESE OF RHEIMS 135 Gaul106. A Merovingian basilica in Tournai, which has been archaeologically attested, might have been devoted to Piatus, but there is no certainty about the church dedication prior to the 12th century.107 Only in the 9th century did the name Piatus appear in martyrologies and in various litanies.108 Eligius’s action in Seclin can be seen as the launching of the veneration of a previously obscure saint. Once again, the location is remarkable: a town in an important transit region traversed by Roman roads, where various remains of Gallo-Roman agrarian complexes have been discovered.109 Seclin was undoubtedly still an agglomeration of some importance in the early Middle Ages, as becomes clear from its designation as vicus in the Life of St Eligius. From the 11th century onwards there are clear indications of the presence of a community of secular canons attending the church of Seclin where the tomb of Piatus was still venerated.110 In the 12th century Eligius was believed to be the founder of this collegiate church.111 In Saint-Quentin, Soissons and Beauvais, Eligius was mainly interested in boosting the existing devotion by upgrading a martyr’s grave by 106. Salmon, ‘Actes inédits’, p. 124: ‘una cum venerabili Dionysio praesule, comitibus caeteris Piatone, Ruffino, Crispino, Crispiniano, Valerio, Luciano, Marcello, Quintino et Regulo ab urbe Roma progredientes…’ 107. A Passio sancti Piati was only written during the 10th century: J. Dumoulin and J. Pycke, ‘Les saints Piat et Éleuthère’, in Childéric-Clovis. 1500e anniversaire. 482-1982 (Tournai, 1982), p. 172-173; J. Dumoulin and J. Pycke, ‘Topographie chrétienne de Tournai des origines au début du XIIe siècle. Problématique nouvelle’, in Liber amicorum. N.-N. Huyghebaert. O.S.B. Sacris Erudiri, 25 (Steenbrugge – Den Hague, 1982), vol. 2, p. 1-50, especially p. 5 and 39; M. Coens, ‘Note sur saint-Piat’, in M. Amand and H. Lambert, eds., Le sous-sol archéologique de l’église de Saint-Piat à Tournai, Archaeologica Belgica, 222 (Brussels, 1980), p. 70-71; L. Verslype and M. Siebrand, ‘Premiers édifices religieux dans l’environnement de la cathédrale Notre-Dame’, in Le patrimoine archéologique de Wallonie (Namur, 1997), p. 452-455, here p. 452; Meijns, ‘Des basiliques rurales’, p. 309-316; Meijns, ‘La christianisation des campagnes’, p. 293-295; Mériaux, Gallia irradiata, p. 334; Mériaux, ‘Piat, Nicaise ou Éleuthère. Quels étaient les saints spécialement honorés à Tournai pendant le haut Moyen Âge’, in Verslype, ed., Villes et campagnes, p. 301-304. 108. The first martyrology mentioning Piat is that of Usuard. Mériaux, Gallia irradiata, p. 326-327 and 364. 109. Cf. R. Delmaire, ed., Carte archéologique de la Gaule 50: Nord (Paris, 1996), 395-406. 110. T. Leuridan, Histoire de Seclin (Lille, 1929-1931), 3 vol; S. Révillon and L. Baillet, ‘Seclin (crypte de la collégiale Saint-Piat)’, in Les premiers monuments chrétiens de la France, 3, Ouest, Nord et Est, Atlas archéologique de la France (Paris, 1998), p. 272-273. 111. Herman of Tournai, Liber de restauratione monasterii Sancti Martini Tornacensis, G. Waitz, ed., MGH, SS, 14 (Hannover, 1883), p. 295 c. 47; Herman of Tournai, The Restoration of the Monastery of Saint Martin of Tournai, L.H. Nelson, transl. (Washington D.C., 1996), p. 70. Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 135 28/01/13 08:19 136 B. MEIJNS erecting a splendid, highly visible and strategically-placed tomb. This should not surprise us; the first book of the Life of St Eligius also tells us that the bishop had already created many tombs for saints in gold, silver and precious stones while he was still a layman and goldsmith.112 Moreover, the translatio of the bones to their new resting place meant that parts of the mortal remains could be separated from the body, and installed and venerated in other locations.113 Both components of Eligius’s manner of proceeding clearly served a common purpose, namely promoting the cults of new (obscure) or old (well known) martyrs, both on the site of their original burial place and, by means of the relics separated from their remains, in numerous other locations. The basilicas of Soissons and Beauvais were situated in the shadow of the cathedral. Eligius’s action in Saint-Quentin and Seclin, on the other hand, takes us once more to settlements of some importance in the countryside. Even though he founded several monasteries114 and he lived during the boom of Irish-Frankish monastic foundations, Eligius apparently was also interested in a different type of religious institution. He was supposedly to some extent familiar with the churches which were founded in rural vici and which were closely related to the episcopacy. Eligius originated from the Limousin region, and in this part of ‘conciliar Gaul’ he is bound to have come into contact with these places of prayer. In search of an alternative christian landscape: martyrial basilicas in the countryside of the archdiocese of Rheims? Both the Cycle of Rictiovarus and the Vita Sancti Eligii contain elements indicating that the Merovingian religious landscape of Northern Gaul was possibly more varied than one would initially suspect, and that the idea of ‘monastic Gaul’ may need to be slightly adjusted. The Cycle 112. Vita Eligii, Krusch, ed., p. 688, Book I c. 32: ‘Hic idem vir beatus inter cetera bonorum operum insignia multa sanctorum auro argentoque et gemmis fabricavit sepulchra, id est Germani, Severini, Piatonis, Quintini, Lucii, Genovefae, Columbae, Maximiani et Loliani, Iuliani, adhuc autem et aliorum multorum.’ Vie de saint Éloi, Westeel, transl., p. 66. 113. This is evidently the case with some corporeal and non-corporeal remains (the clavos or long nails used during torture) of Quentin during the translation to the shrine. Vita Eligii, Krusch, ed., p. 699, Book II c. 6; Vie de saint Éloi, Westeel, transl., p. 84. 114. Vita Eligii, Krusch, ed., Book I, c. 15-16 p. 680-68 and Book II c. 5, p. 697 (Solignac in the Limousin and nunneries in Paris and Noyon). Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 136 28/01/13 08:19 THE CHRISTIANIZATION IN THE ARCHDIOCESE OF RHEIMS 137 and the Life of Saint Eligius offer glimpses of what we might call an alternative Christian landscape, a landscape dotted with the tombs of locally venerated martyrs, which acted as focal loci and contributed to the Christianization of the countryside. These holy places, where the relics of martyrs were looked after by a local community of clerics, seem to have coexisted chronologically with the Irish-Frankish communities of monks. Some places of cult probably even predate the 7th-century monastic communities and originate in the 6th century, or perhaps even earlier. However, the dozens of institutions considered to be ‘monastic’, and the numerous sources they have left behind, force themselves on our attention. In sharp contrast to this, there is the very meagre number of sources left by the religious connected to the basilicas under discussion. The rare sources testifying to their earliest history are mainly of a hagiographical or liturgical nature. As a result, the authors of the vitae or passiones focus on the saint whose mortal remains granted all kinds of favours to a certain location, and in whose shadow we would expect the presence of a group of clerics responsible for the maintenance of the saint’s cult. The fame of the saint inexorably overshadowed the local clerical community, and this makes it difficult indeed to trace them. Nor is their later history always very helpful. The outline of these basilical clerics becomes sharper when they enter the Carolingian period, either as canons or as monks, and when they succeed in surviving secularizations in post-Carolingian times. With regard to the aforementioned examples, this was the case for the burial basilicas in the suburbium of Soissons and Beauvais, and in the countryside in Saint-Quentin, SaintJust-en-Chaussée, Bazoches-sur-Vesle and Seclin. The churches of Sains-en-Amienois and Fismes, on the other hand, only re-emerge during the High Middle Ages as humble parish churches. Research into the Christianization of the countryside in ‘monastic Gaul’ may well profit from a less exclusively institutional approach. In my own view, it would be more fruitful to use the local tombs of the saints as a starting point for further research, rather than the religious houses themselves. A quick glance at the dozens of religious communities, canonical as well as monastic, within the archdiocese of Rheims shows the presence of numerous saints whose bones served as a nucleus around which a community originated. But as the examples of Sains-enAmienois and Fismes have shown, the bodies of holy martyrs could also rest in (what later became) ordinary local churches. Very often the saints were well known and enjoyed a more or less widespread veneration in a Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 137 28/01/13 08:19 138 B. MEIJNS specific region or even beyond. But sometimes obscure names can be detected, saints whose cult must have been extremely local. It would be enlightening to make an inventory of the resting places of all these saints, and to study the identity of the saints and the history of the sites.115 Were these saints martyrs of the faith, missionaries, hermits, bishops, monks, founders of religious communities, heads of religious houses, laypeople, men, women or even children? Do they appear in martyrologies? Were their lives recorded in hagiographical sources? Where was their cult centred? This last question leads us inevitably back to the institutional framework: the best guarantee for the lasting memory of a saint was the presence of a group of religious men or women who dedicated their lives to his or her cult. The importance of a saintly tomb for a religious community, regardless of whether it was tended by canons or monks, is clearly demonstrated by the list of abbeys and collegiate churches drawn up in the second book of the Deeds of the Bishops of Cambrai from c. 1024-1025.116 Almost every religious community mentioned could boast the presence of the body of one or more saints. It would be interesting to see which type of institution developed around the saintly burial place, and even what actually came first: the tomb of a person considered to be a saint around which a group of clerics gathered, or the religious institution itself which afterwards received the burial of its founder or saintly patron? The renewed study of the well known abbeys within the archdiocese of Rheims as well as the search for the burial places of far more obscure saints proceeding from this specific point of view might well result in surprising new insights into the origins and nature of the Christianization of the countryside of northern Gaul in the early Middle Ages. 115. An inspiring volume is that edited by A. Thacker and R. Sharpe on Local Saints and Local Churches in the Early Medieval West (Oxford, 2002), in which the contribution by J. Blair, ‘A Handlist of Anglo-Saxon Saints’, pp. 495-566, is particularly noteworthy. An inventory of the saints resting in the northern dioceses of the province of Rheims (Thérouanne, Arras, Cambrai and Tournai) up to the 11th century has been made by Mériaux, Gallia irradiata, p. 345-372. 116. Gesta pontificum Cameracensium, L. C. Bethmann, ed., MGH SS, 7 (Hannover, 1846), p. 454-465. Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_08_Meijns.indd 138 28/01/13 08:19 INDEX Abbo of Fleury Vita S. Eadmundi: 143, 144 Absolom, biblical figure: 174 Abubacer, Arabic philosopher: 63 Acdestis, pagan god: 152 Acharius, bishop of Noyon-Tournai: 114 Achilles, Greek hero: 171 Acta Philippi: 155 Acta SS. Bertarii et Ataleni: 147 Adhils, Swedish king: 93 Ado of Vienne, archbishop: 121 Adonis, pagan god: 153, 155 Agobard, archbishop of Lyon Liber contra insulsam vulgi opinionem de grandine et tonitruis: 157166 Ágrip af Nóregskonunga sogum: 92 ahl al-dhimma (concept of -): 217, 229, 237, 238 Ahmad Baba Mi¨raj al-∑u¨ud: 233, 234 AÌmad ibn ¨Abd al-∑amad al-Khazraji al-AnÒari al-Qur†ubi: 215 Ajax, Greek mythological figure: 153 Akhbar al-zaman wa-man abadahu ’l-Ìidthan (History of the Ages and Those whom Events have Annihilated): 225, 228, 230 Alain de Lille: 170 Al-Andalus (Spain): 219 Al-Bakri Kitab al-masalik wa’l-mamalik (The Book of the Highways and Kingdoms): 225, 229, 230, 232 Albert the Great De anima: 62, 66, 76, 79, 80 De bono: 56, 57, 83 De caelo et mundo: 62, 66, 73 De causa et processu universitatis a prima causa: 63, 64, 66, 70, 74, 76 De causis proprietatum elementorum: 60 De corpore Domini: 63 De generatione et corruptione: 74 De homine: 65, 73, 77 De intellectu et intelligibili: 82 De IV coaequaevis: 64, 73, 77 De natura boni: 56 De natura loci: 58 De principiis motus processivi: 62 De resurrectione: 61 De vegetabilibus: 63 De XV problematibus: 63, 80 Liber de natura et origine animae: 59, 60, 63, 74, 75, 77-80, 82 Metaphysica: 63-68, 75, 82 Meteora: 61, 66, 67, 74 Mineralia: 67 Physica: 61-63, 70-72, 76 Quaestio de dotibus sanctorum in patria: 77 I Sent.: 65 II Sent.: 64 IV Sent.: 61 Summa theologiae: 47, 65, 78, 81-83 Super Dionysii Epistulas: 59 Super Dionysium De caelesti hierarchia: 57 Super Dionysium De divinis nominibis: 57, 58, 63 Super Ethica: 57, 61, 63, 77, 78, 83 Super Isaiam: 56-58 Super Matthaeum: 56, 57, 59 Super Porphyrium De V universalibus: 76 Albertanus of Brescia De amore et dilectione Dei: 172 Al-Biruni, Muslim scholar: 215, 221 Albrecht of Bavaria, duke: 167, 174 Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_14_Index.indd 239 28/01/13 08:23 240 INDEX Al-Dimashqi Nukhbat al-daÌr fi ‘aja’ib al-barr wa’l-baÌr (Chosen Passages of Time regarding the Marvels of Land and Sea): 227, 228 Alexander the Great: 171, 175-177, 180-181, 220 Alexander of Hales, theologian: 61 Algazel, Persian philosopher: 70, 75, 78 Al-Hamdani ∑ifat Jazirat al-¨Arab (Description of the Arabian Peninsula): 222226 Al-Idrisi: 217, 221, 222, 226, 229 Nuzhat al-mushtaq fi ikhtiraq alafaq (The Book of pleasant Journeys into foraway Lands): 226 Al-Juwayni, Muslim scholar: 217 Al-Maghili, Muslim scholar: 231, 234, 237 Al-Maˆmun, Muslim ruler: 214 Almohads (The -): 219, 236, 237 Almoravids (The -): 219, 236 Al-Muhallabi, Muslim scholar: 230 Al-Mu†ahhar ibn ™ahir al-Maqdisi Kitab al-badˆ wa’l-tarikh (Book on Creation and History): 224 Al-Qazwini, Muslim scholar: 215 Ambrose of Milan: 168, 169 Epistulae: 141 Amiens (France): 114, 121, 127, 128, 131 Amphusus (Pseudo-): 176, 177 amulets: 10, 11, 16 Anaximander, Greek philosopher: 61 Angelrammus, abbot of St.-Riquier Relatio S. Richarii: 150 Ansbert of Rouen, saint: 149, 156 Anselm of Canterbury: 72 De conceptu virginale: 73 Antichrist: 168 Antonius of Bergen op Zoom, copyist: 178 Apollo: 119 Arabia: 226 Arbeo of Freising Vita S. Corbiniani: 142 Vita Haimhrammi episcopi: 145, 146 Aristippus, Greek philosopher: 197 Aristotle: 28, 35-37, 43, 53, 60, 64-66, 67, 70, 71, 75, 76, 81, 169, 170, 174, 175, 178, 214, 215 Aristotle (Pseudo -): 25 Arna (non-Muslim population): 229 Arnobius Adversus nationes: 152, 153 Arnold of Liège, author of exempla: 176 Arras (France): 114, 138 Artold, archbishop of Rheims: 129 Aser, pagan god: 92 Asia: 213 Askia MuÌammad I, emperor: 232, 234, 237 Assuerus, biblical figure: 171 Atalenus, martyr: 147 Athena: 28 Atrebati (The -): 114 Attalus, stoic philosopher: 61, 63 Attis, Greek mythological figure: 152, 155 Audoenus of Rouen Vita S. Eligii: 132-134, 136, 137 Augustine: VII, 8, 10, 11, 13, 17, 26, 32, 33, 35-37, 43, 72, 73, 82, 174 Confessiones: 25, 31 De civitate Dei: VII, 27, 29, 31, 49, 193 De doctrina Christiana: 24 De vera religione: 27-30, 36 Augustus, emperor: 171 Aunacharius, bishop of Auxerre: 120, 127 Aurelius, martyr: 154 Aureus, saint: 154 Auxerre (France): 128, 149 Averroes: 63, 76, 77, 78, 171 Avicenna: 63, 76, 78 Awdaghost (oasis town): 226, 237 Awrangzeb, muslim ruler: 217 Baldr, pagan god:87 Bartholomew, apostle: 155 Bartola, saint: 149, 150 Bassari (The -): 232 Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_14_Index.indd 240 28/01/13 08:23 INDEX Baudilus, martyr: 145 Bavay (France): 111, 114 Bazoches-sur-Vesle (France): 123, 126, 127, 129, 130, 137 Beauvais (France): 15, 114, 122-124, 126-128, 130-132, 134-137 Beccadelli, Antonio Hermaphroditus: 201 Bede the Venerable Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum: 145 Bellovaci (The -): 122 Berber (The – people)): 223, 224, 235 Bernard of Clairvaux: 174 Bernard of Clairvaux (Pseudo-) Epistula de cura rei familiaris: 192 Bertaire, martyr: 147, 156 Bertulf of Flanders: 14 Bianco, Giovanni (ambassador of Milan): 202 Boethius Consolatio Philosophiae: 33-35 Bonaventure: 169 Centiloquium: 171 Bori (rituals of -): 228 Brethren of Purity (Ikhwan al-Òafaˆ): 212, 213 Buddha (The life of -): 216 Buddhists: 209 Buja (The -): 231, 232 Buonaccorsi, Filippo vide Callimachus Esperiens Burchard of Worms Corrector sive Medicus: 5, 11, 16 Caecina, philosopher: 61, 63 Caecus, Appius Claudius (Roman politician): 170, 177, 179 Cain: see Ham Calceopulo, Atanasio (pontifical delegate): 198 Callimachus Esperiens, Philippus: 195-205 Carmina: 204 De peregrinationibus: 199 Epigrammata: 201-204 Fanietum: 203, 204 241 Quaestio de daemonibus: 200 Quaestio de peccato: 200 Praefatio in Somniarum Leonis Tusci philosophi: 200, 201 Vita Gregorii Sanocei: 199, 200 Cambrai (France): 114, 138 Cambyses II, king: 175 Campano, Settimuleio (member of the Academy of Rome): 201 canonicum (ecclesiastical tax): 159, 161, 162, 164, 166 Carthage: 171 Casmir IV Jagiellon: 200 Cassel (battle of -): 15 Cato: 175, 184 Catullus (Gaius Lutatius): 201, 204 Celsus, Greek philosopher: 21 Châlons-sur-Marne (France): 114 Chanson des Quatre fils Aymon (La): 108 Charlemagne: 90, 108, 144, 162 Charles the Bald, emperor: 130 chefera (stateless non-Muslim people): 232 Childeric I, king: 89 Christians: 19-23, 30, 31 - in relation to Muslims: 209-212, 214, 215, 217-219, 228, 229, 231, 234, 236, 238 Cibele, Greek mythological figure: 152 Cicero, Marcus Tullius: 64, 66, 67, 169, 171 De Inventione: 171 De natura deorum: 70 De officiis: 169 Somnium Scipionis: 57, 181 Clemens of Alexandria: 19, 20, 26 Stromata: 20 Clementia, countess of Flanders: 12 Clovis, king: 89, 142 Collectio Vetus Gallica: 162 Coloman of Melk, saint: 139, 140, 154, 156 Columba, saint: 136 Condulmer (Glauco), Lucio (member of the Academy of Rome): 201 Corbie (Abbey of -): 119, 124 Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_14_Index.indd 241 28/01/13 08:23 242 INDEX Corbinian, saint: 142 Crispinianus, saint: 117, 119, 120, 122, 124, 127, 131, 132, 134, 135 Crispinus, saint: 117, 119, 120, 122, 124, 127, 131, 132, 134, 135 Cupid, pagan god: 183 Cyparissus, mythological figure: 153 Dagobert, king: 114, 154 dakakir (idols): 229 Damascius, philosopher: 26 Damdam (land of -): 230 Dante Alighieri La divina commedia: 39-42, 44, 45, 47-49, 51-54, David, biblical king: 174, 186, 191 Declamationes Senece moralizate: 178 demons: 31, 34 Denys, saint: 134 De partibus Saxoniae: 90, 108 De Rossi (De Rubeis), Agostino (ambassador of Milan): 197 De S. Aureo et sociis: 154 Descriptio qualiter Karolus magnus clavum et coronam domini a Constantinopoli Aquisgrani detulerit: 144 Desiderius, martyr: 142, 147 Diana, Roman goddess: 119 Die geesten of geschiedenis van Romen: 180 Dietsce Doctrinale: 172, 173 Dietsche Cathoen: 171 Diogenes Laertius, Greek biographer: 175 Dionysius the Areopagite: 25, 26, 65 Dionysius I, tyrant of Syracuse: 171 Dirc van Delf Tafel van den kersten ghelove: 167-194 Disier, saint: 147, 156 Disticha Catonis: 181, 187 Drogo Vita Godeliph: 14 Durandus of St.-Pourçain, theologian: 47 dusi: 164 Edda: 87 Edmund, king: 142, 143, 156 Egypt: 217, 218, 220 Eligius of Noyon, saint: 119, 132-137 Emmeram, martyr: 145, 146, 156 Emo, abbot of Bloemhof Chronicon abbatum in Werum: 1, 2 Empedocles, philosopher: 72 Enigmata Aristotelis moralizata: 178 Epaone (Council of -): 125 Epicurus, Greek philosopher: 32, 33, 197, 200, 201 Essouk (Mali): 226 Ethiopians (The -): 222 Eulalia of Merida, martyr: 145 Eusebia, noble woman: 131, 133 Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea: 155 Evermarus of Tongres, saint: 146-147, 156 Exemplaer (Dat Boec -): 172 falconry (treatise on -): 207 Fasciculus morum: 183 Felix of Nola, saint: 141, 155 Ferdinand II, king of Naples: 196, 198 Feuillen, saint: 156 Firmicus Maternus, Julius (Latin writer): 155 Firmin of Amiens, saint: 148 Fismes (France): 123, 128, 129, 137 Flodoard Annales: 129 Capitula in synodo…: 129 Historia ecclesiae Remenis: 118, 119, 123, 129, 130 Florus of Lyon, ecclesiastical writer: 121 Foillan, saint: 142 Folcuin, bishop of Thérouanne: 98 fortune-telling: 7-9, 10, 11, 13, 15 Francheschini (Asclepiade), Marco (member of the academy of Rome): 201 François (maître), illuminator: VII Frederic, emperor (Pseudo-): 192 Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_14_Index.indd 242 28/01/13 08:23 INDEX Freia, Norse pagan goddess: 16 Freyr, Norse pagan god: 87, 95 Frontinus, Julius (Roman scholar): 176 Fulgentius, Fabius Planciades: 180, 183, 185-188 De ornatu orbis: 177, 179, 185, 186, 189, 190 Mythologiae: 179, 190 Fuscianus, martyr: 118-120, 122, 124127, 132, 134 Fylgja, Norse mythological figure: 86 Galbert of Bruges De multro, traditione, et occisione gloriosi Karoli comitis Flandriarum: 15 Gall, saint: 95 Gao (Mali): 237 Genesius of Arles, martyr: 144 Genesius of Bigorre, martyr: 144, 145 Geneviève, saint: 89, 136 Gentianus, martyr: 118, 122, 126 Gerard Leeu, Dutch printer: 180 Germanus, saint: 136 Gervasius, martyr: 141 Gesta pontificum Cameracensium: 138 Gesta romanorum: 174-176, 180, 181, 183-186, 188-193 Ghana: 219, 220, 227, 232 Ghent (Blandinium): 149, 156 Gobir (Nigeria): 235 Godelieve, saint: 14 Gomez Eannes de Azurara Chronica do Descobrimento e Conquista de Guiné (Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of Guinea): 207, 208 Gonzaga, Francesco, cardenal: 202, 203 Gotland (Sweden): 86 Gratian Decretum Gratiani: 7, 8, 10, 11, 13 Greek legacy (in Islam): 214, 215, 220, 222, 224, 230 243 Gregory VII, pope: 163, 164 Registrum: 163 Gregory the Great, pope: 45-48, 51, 53, 73, 91, 174, 182 Dialogi: 142 Gregory of Nyssa: 26 Contra Iulianum: 141 Gregory of Sanok (Leopoldus Gregorius), bishop: 199 Gregory of Tours: 109, 122, 127 De gloria confessorum: 143, 148, 154 De gloria martyrum: 120, 143145 Historia Francorum: 120 Libri historiarum: 120 Gryse, Nicolaus (preacher): 96 Gudbrand of Norway: 1 Guibert of Nogent De vita sua: 6, 7, 11, 15, 16 Haakon the Good, king: 92 Habakkuk, biblical prophet: 174 Hauza (-land): 219, 228, 229 Häggeby (Stele of -): 96 Ham (The Curse of -): 208, 233 Hamburg (Germany): 97 Îamid al-Din al-Kirmani RaÌat al-¨aql (The Repose of the Intellect): 223 Hariulf Chronicon Centulensis abbatiae seu Sancti Richarii: 150, 151 Harold, king of Denmark: 164 Hartlieb, Johann Das Buch aller verbotenen Künste: 102 haruspicy: 7, 8, 11 Helinand of Froidmont De bono regimine principis: 175 Hellequin (the compagny of -): 6 hemaones: 164 Herculanus, martyr: 142 heresy: 33 Herman of Tournai Liber de restauratione monasterii Sancti Martini Tornacensis: 12, 135 Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_14_Index.indd 243 28/01/13 08:23 244 INDEX Hermes, pagan god: 218 Hermes Trismegistus, pagan god: VII, 63, 67, 69, 76 Hesiod, ancient Greek poet: 60, 61, 63, 64, 66, 68, 78 Hildegard of Bingen, mystic: 9 Hillinus Miracula S. Foillani: 142 Hincmar, archbishop of Rheims: 129 Hindus (The -): 209, 210, 216, 217, 227 Hippocrates, Greek physician: 215 Homer: 62 Hordain (Northern France): 97 Hornhausen (Stele of -): 106, 107 horse (the): 10, 85-103 Hrabanus Maurus De rerum naturis: 95, 96 Hugh, abbot of Saint-Quentin: 131 Hugh Capet, king: 150 Hugh Ripelin of Strasbourg Compendium theologiae veritatis: 171, 192 Humbert of Romans, Master General of the dominicans: 176 Hyacinth, Greek mythological figure: 152 Iamblichus De mysteriis: 22 Ibn ¨Arabi, Andalusian Sufi: 217, 233 Ibn Ba††u†a, Muslim explorer: 221, 226 Ibn Fa∂lan, Muslim explorer: 225, 227, 231 Ibn Îawqal Kitab Òurat al-ar∂ (The Face of the Earth): 226, 227 Ibn Khaldun, Muslim scholar: 233 Ibn Rushd FaÒl al-maqal (Decisive Treatise): 218 Ibn Sa¨id Kitab bas† al-ar∂ fi ’l-†ul wa’l-¨ar∂ (The Book of the Extension of the Land on Longitudes and Latitudes): 230 Ibn Wa∂∂aÌ al-Qur†ubi: 213, 235 Icarus, Greek mythological figure: 171 Imagines Fulgentii moralisatae: 178, 180, 184 immisores tempestatum: 159 India: 215-217, 220, 231 Innocent III, pope: 1, 9 Iraq: 218 Irenaeus, bishop of Lyon: 162 Irmino, abbot of Saint-Germain-desPrés: 162 Isaak Israëli, philosopher: 63 Isidore of Seville: 7, 184, 185, 187 Isis, Egyptian goddess: 152 Islam: 41, 62, 207-238 IÒ†akhri Kitab al-masalik wa’l-mamalik (Book of the Highways and Kingdoms): 231, 232 Jacob, the patriarch: 186 Jacob van Maerlant Alexanders Yeesten: 171 Spiegel Historiael: 171, 172 Jacobus de Voragine Legenda aurea: 47, 53, 95 Sermones: 176 Jahiliyya (concept of -): 226, 230, 234, 235, 237, 238 Jan van Boendale Lekenspiegel: 173 Jan van Ruusbroec, Flemish mystic: 9 Jan-i Janan, Muslim writer: 216, 217 Jean Gobi: 176 Scala caeli: 95 Jehan Mansel, Burgundian chronicler: 176 Jeremiah, biblical prophet: 191 Jerome Epistulae: 23 Jesus Christ: 19, 26, 29, 31, 32, 35, 155, 168, 174, 186, 197, 209-212 Jews (The -): 41, 52, 62, 57, 209-212, 214, 217, 219, 236-238 Johannes Scotus Eriugena De predestinatione: 35, 36 Periphyseson: 36 John of Damascus (Pseudo-): 46 Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_14_Index.indd 244 28/01/13 08:23 INDEX John of Wales (Johannes Valensis): 193 Breviloquium de virtutibus antiquorum principum et philosophorum: 172, 173 John Ridevall Fulgentius metaforalis: 179, 182, 193 Yamigines Fulgentii: 190 John the Deacon Vita s. Gregorii: 51, 52 Jonathan, biblical figure: 186 Joscelin, bishop of Soissons: 129 Joseph (biblical): 218 Julian the Apostate, emperor: 22, 23 Julianus, martyr: 126, 136 Jupiter: 16, 119, 190, 224 Justianian, emperor: 24 Justin, martyr: 19 Justine, martyr: 154 Justus of Beauvais, martyr: 118-122, 124, 126-128 Kafir (unbelievers): 207 Kitab al-istibÒar: 220, 226, 229, 230232 Kitab al-shifaˆ bi-ta¨rif Ìuquq al-MuÒ†afa (Healing by the Recognition of the Rights of the chosen One): 239 Konkomba (stateless etnic group): 232 Koran: 209-212, 216, 217, 224, 225, 234, 237 Kristnisage: 92 kuhhan (soothsayers): 231 kufr (unbelief): 209-212, 231, 233, 234, 237, 238 Kugha (town of -): 220, 227 Lactantius Divinarum institutionum libri VII: 30 Lambert of Ardres Historia comitum Ghisnensium: 15 Lamlam (The -): 230 Laon (France): 114 Laurent of Amalfi 245 Vita S. Zenobii: 148 Leidrad, bishop of Lyon: 162 Leo IX, pope: 6, 7, 12 Leto, Pomponio: 201 Defensio in carceribus: 196 Lex Salica: 11, 12 Liber de causis: 25, 70, 72, 75 Livy (Titus Livius): 184, 185, 190 Lolianus, martyr: 136 Louis the Pious, emperor: 157, 165 Luc, evangelist: 5 Lucianus, martyr: 118, 119, 121, 122, 124, 126, 127, 131, 132, 134-136 Lucius, saint: 136 Lupus, bishop of Soissons: 130 Lyon (France): 157-166 Ma(v)ones: 164 Macra, martyr: 118-123, 129 Macrobius, Ambrosius Theodosius In Somnium Scipionis: 171, 181 Saturnalia: 181 Madasa (The -): 230 Maffeus, Augustus: 202 magic: 14, 15, 98-101, 158-164 (wheather magicians), 209, 234 Magonia (land of -): 159, 160, 162, 164, 165 Magusoi (Magi): 59 Maguzawa (non-Muslim population): 228, 229 Mahdi ‘Ubayd Allah: 230 Maheshvara (Shiva), supreme god: 216 Mahmud of Ghazná, ruler of the Ghaznavid empire: 217 Maimonides Dux neutrorum: 63 Majus (Zoroastrians): 227-229 Majusiyya (local religious traditions): 227, 229 Malal (land of -): 225 Malastesta, Sigismondo (Italian condotiero): 196 Mali: 226 Marcel, saint: 15, 135 Marciocurius (Manius Currius), roman patrician: 176 Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_14_Index.indd 245 28/01/13 08:23 246 INDEX Marinus Vita Procli: 22 Marrasio, Giovanni Angelinetum: 203 Mars, Roman god: 16, 223 Marsilio Ficino, humanist philosopher: 37, 200 Martialis, Marcus Valerius (Latin poet): 201 Martin, archbishop of Tours: 149, 156 Martin of Braga De quatuor virtutibus cardinalibus (Formula honestae vitae): 172 Martyrologium Hieronymianum: 120, 121, 127 Mary, the Blessed Virgin: 181, 191 Mason, J.P., archbishop of Lyon: 157, 166 Mas¨udi Muruj al-dhahab (Meadows of Gold): 223 Maugis, romance hero: 108 Maurinus, royal cantor: 133 Maximianus, martyr: 136 Maximus Confessor, theologian: 26 Mecca: 211, 226 Mecklenburg (Germany): 96 Medardus, bishop: 122 Memphis (Egypt): 218 Mercury, Roman god: 119 Michael Scotus Metaphysica: 63 Michol, biblical figure: 186, 191 Milan (Italy): 141 Mithra, pagan god: 151 Monelli, Antonio: 197 Moses (biblical): 73, 173, 197, 217 Muhammad: 197, 213, 217, 224 Münster in Westfalen (Germany): 97 Mushrikun: 211, 212 Muslims: 207-238 Naomi biblical figure: 186 Narcissus, Greek mythological figure: 152 Nazaire, martyr: 141 Nero, emperor: 174 Nervii (The -): 114 Nicholas IV, pope: 196 Nicholas, saint: 96 Nicholas Trevet, Anglo-Norman chronicler: 193 Niger: 219, 234 Njáls saga: 100 Noah, biblical figure: 208 Notitia dignitatum: 116 Noyon (France): 114, 122, 132, 134, 136 Nubians (The -): 222 Numenius, Greek philosopher: 26 nyk(u)r (a horselike creation): 86 Odin, pagan god: 87 Odo of Beauvais: 130 Passio S. Luciani, Maximiani atque Iuliani: 118 Odo of Cluny (Pseudo -) De reversione beati Martini a Burgundia: 149 Ogier d’Anglure Le saint voyage à Jérusalem: 144 Olaf Haraldsson, king of Norway: 1-3 Olaf Helgi, king: 02 Olaf Tryggvason, king: 92 Old Gelasian Sacramentary: 163 Omer, bishop of Thérouanne: 114 On Those who have Died in the Faith: 46 Origin, theologian: 26 Osiris, Egyptian god: 152 Oswald, king of Northumbria: 145, 146, 156 Oswy (Oswiu), king: 146 Otto of Freising, chronicler: 172 Ovid (Publius Ovidius Nasa): 43, 61, 62, 204, 205 Metamorphoses: 152, 153 Paris (France): 110, 126, 136 Paschasius Radbertus De passione SS. Rufuni et Valerii: 117, 123, 126 Passio S. Cholomanni: 139, 140 Passio SS. Crispini et Crispiani: 117, 119, 120, 122, 124, 127, 131, 132, 134, 135 Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_14_Index.indd 246 28/01/13 08:23 INDEX Passio SS. Desiderii et Reginfridi martyrum Alsegaudiensium: 142, 147 Passio et inventio S. Fusciani: 118120, 122, 124-127, 132, 134 Passio S. Iusti: 118-122, 124, 126-128 Passio S. Iustini: 118 Passio S. Luciani: 118, 119, 121, 122, 124, 126, 127, 131, 132, 134-136 Passio et translatio S. Macrae: 118123, 129 Passio S. Piati: 132, 134-136 Passio et inventio S. Quintini: 117128, 131-136, 142 Passio SS. Rufini et Valerii: 117, 118, 120, 122-127, 130, 131, 134, 135 Passio et inventio SS. Victorici et Fusciani: 118-120, 122, 124, 125, 134 Patrizi, Agostino (papal adviser): 197, 201 Paul, apostle: 174 Paul II, pope: 195-198, 202 Paulinus of Nola Carmina: 141, 143, 145, 154, 155 Vita Ambrosii: 141 Pausanias, Greek geographer: 153 penitentiaria (Penitential books): 8, 10, 11, 162, 163 Persians (The -): 218 Peter Abaelard: 42, 44 Problemata Heloissa: 50, 51 Theologia Christiana: 51-53 Peter, bishop of Beauvais: 130 Petrach, Francesco (Italian scholar and poet): 172 Petrus Alphonsi, Jewish-Christian scholar: 176 Petrus de Chambly, canon: 121 Petrus of Cluny De miraculis libri duo: 6 Philipp the Chancellor, theologian: 61 Philipp II, king of Macedon: 175 Philoponus, philosopher: 34 Philosophi theologantes: 60-81 Phoebus, pagan god: 152 Piatus, martyr: 132, 134-136 Pico della Mirandola, Giovanni (Renaissance philosopher): 200, 203 247 Pietro de’ Crescenzi, writer on agriculture: 171 Pirminus Scarapsus: 164 Pisces (constellation of -): 224 Platina: see Sacchi Plato: 19, 20-37, 43, 62-67, 69, 76-78, 81, 171, 174 Phaedo: 31 Timaeus: 34 Plinius the Elder Historia naturalis: 151 Plotinus, philosopher: 21, 25, 26, 35 Plutarch, Greek historian: 152 Politracum: 174 Pomponius Laetus, Julius: see Leto Pontano, Giovanni Parthenopeus sive Amores: 203, 204 Porphyry, philosopher: 21, 25, 27, 31, 76, 155 Proclus, philosopher: 22, 25, 26, 32, 34, 35 Propertius, Latin poet: 204, 205 Protasius, martyr: 141 Prussians (The -): 90 Ptolemy Tetrabiblos: 222-224, 230 Pyramus and Thisbe, Roman mythological figures: 153 Pythagoras, philosopher and mathematician: 173-175, 177-179 Qa∂i ¨Iya∂: 233, 234 Qara Khitai (people of -): 217 Quintinus, martyr: 117-122, 124-128, 131-136, 142, 156 Raetobarii (The -): 116 Rashid al-Din Jami¨ al-tawarikh (Compendium of Chronicles): 216 Raul de Presles, medieval French translator: VII Reginald of Coldingham Vita S. Oswaldi regis et martyris: 146 Reginfrid of Danmark, martyr: 142, 147 Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_14_Index.indd 247 28/01/13 08:23 248 INDEX Registrum Gregorii: 163 Regulus (Rieul), bishop of Senlis: 142, 156 Regulus, martyr: 135 Rehoboham, biblical king: 174 Remigius, archbishop of Rheims: 114, 130 Rheims (France): 114, 123, 126, 128, 129 Rheims (archdiocese of – ): 111-138 Richildis, countess of Flanders: 15 Rictiovarus (Cycle of -): 116, 117, 119, 121, 124, 127, 128, 132, 133, 136, 137 Rictiovarus, Roman persecutor: 116119, 125 Riculfus, bishop of Soissons: 130 Riquier (Richarius), saint: 150, 156, 64, 165 Robert Friso: 15 Robert Holcot: 177-194 Moralizationum historiarum liber (Moralitates sive Allegoriae historiarum): 177-186, 189, 190, 193194 Super libros sapientiae: 178, 179 Ymagines Fulgentii moralizate: 178, 180, 184 Robert, count of Flanders: 12 Romanus, archdeacon: 129 Rome (Academy of -): 195-201 Romulus: 181 Rufina, martyr: 127 Rufinus, martyr: 117, 118, 120, 122127, 130, 131, 134, 135 Rus (people of -): 227, 231 Ruth, biblical figure: 186 Sabians (The -): 209, 214 Sacchi (Platina), Bartolomeo: 196, 201 De falso et vero bono: 198 Epistolae: 195 Sacramentarium Gelasianum: 163 saÌara (sorcerers): 229, 234 ∑a¨id al-Andalusi ™abaqat al-umam (Book of the Categories of the Nations): 222, 223 Sains-en-Amienois (France): 122, 126, 127, 131, 132, 137 Saint-Crépin-le-Grand (abbey of – ): 131 Saint-Fuscien (abbey of -): 122, 131, 132 Saint-Just-en-Chaussée (France): 122, 123, 124, 128-130, 137 Saint-Quentin (France): 121-123, 126128, 131, 134-137 Salimbene di Adam Chronica: 8, 9 ∑anghana (Senegal): 229 ∑anhaja (people of -): 230 sapientes gentilium: 56, 81 Saturn: 119 Saul, biblical king: 186 Sauve (Salvius), bishop of Amiens: 148 Scipio the African, Roman statesman: 171 Scorpio (constellation of -): 223 Seclin (France): 132, 134-137 Seiör (rite of -): 99 Seneca: 171, 174, 175, 178, 184 Declamationes: 178 Epistulae: 154 Quaestiones naturales: 61 Seneca (Pseudo -): 172 Senegal: 219 Senlis (France): 114, 121, 122 Sermo de adventu sanctorum Wandregisili, Ansberti et Vulframni in Blandinium: 149 Severinus, saint: 136 Severus, saint: 148, 154 Sforza, Galeazzo Maria, duke of Milan: 197, 202 Shafi¨i Risala: 209 Shahrastani (The -): 221 Sheba, Queen of -: 168 shirk (idolatry): 210-211, 237, 238 Siccambria (Frankish region of -): 164 Sigrdrífumál: 87 snakes (worship of -): 230, 231 Snorri Sturluson Heimskringla: 1-3, 92, 93 Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_14_Index.indd 248 28/01/13 08:23 INDEX Spain: 219, 234, Socrates: 19, 28, 64, 66, 69, 176, 214 Soissons (France): 114, 120-124, 127132, 134-137 Solignac (France): 136 Solomon, biblical king: 168, 174, 190 Songhay, state of -: 219, 233, 234 soothsayers: 7, 231, 234 Speculum laicorum: 176 Stephan of Bourbon, author of exempla: 176 Sturla ≠ór∂arson, saga writer: 91,92 Sudan: 225, 227, 229-231 Sufism: 215-218 Sybil (oracular seeress): 9 Syrianus, Greek philosopher: 22 Tacitus, Publius Cornelius Germania: 87, 93 Tadmakka (medieval town in Mali): 226 Tajuwa (people of -): 229 ™ariq ibn Ziyad: 213 Tedaldi, Jacopo (adviser of Mohammed II): 199 tempestarii: 157-166 Tertullian Apologeticus pro Christianis: 155 Theodosius, emperor: 177, 179-181 Thérouanne (diocese of -): 138 Thietmar of Merseburg Chronicon: 140 Thisbe, Roman mythological figure: 153 Thomas Aquinas: 169, 178, 179 De veritate: 47, 50, 51 Sententiae: 47, 48 Summa Theologiae: 14, 47 Thomas Waleys, theologian: 193 Thor, pagan god: 16 Titus, emperor: 171 Toledo: 9 (necromancer of -), 215 Tongres (Belgium): 146, 188 Toscano, Leone Oneirocriticon Achmetis: 200, 201 Tournai (Belgium): 114, 132, 135, 138 Trajan, emperor: 44-48, 51-54, 174 249 ≠rándheimr (Norweg): 92 Trier (Germany): 101-105 ≠ulr (magicians): 98 Turks (The -): 223, 224 Ugolini, Francesco: 199 Ugolini, Niccolò: 199 Ulrich Molitor, legal scholar: 101 Ulrich Richental Chronik des Konzils von Konstanz: 93, 94 Umayyads (land of the -): 224 Usuard Martyrologium: 121, 135 ¨Uthman dan Fodio Al-Farq bayna wilayat ahl al-islam wa-bayna wilayat ahl al-kufr (On the Difference between the Governments of the Muslims and the Governments of the Unbelievers): 235, 236 Vaderboec (Vitae Patrum): 168 Vaf∫rudnismál: 86, 87 Valerius, martyr: 117, 118, 120, 122127, 130, 131, 134, 135, 150, 156 Valerius Maximus, author of historical anecdotes: 175, 176, 178, 184 Valla, Lorenzo: 196 Elegantiae linguae Latinae: 198 Varro, Marcus Terentius (Roman scholar): 28, 31, 184, 188 vatnakest(u)r: 86 Vatnsdoelasaga: 86 Vedastus, saint: 114 Vegetius (Publius Flavius Vegetius Renatus), Roman scholar: 171, 176 Velleius Paterculus, Marcus Historia romana: 176 Venus, Roman goddess: 16, 119, 153, 223 Vermand (France): 114, 121, 122, 124-126, 128, 131, 134, 135 Veronica, saint: 5 Victoricus, martyr: 118-120, 122, 125-127,134, 135 Victricius of Rouen Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_14_Index.indd 249 28/01/13 08:23 250 INDEX De laude sanctorum: 141 Vikings (The -): 106, 227, 228 Vincentius of Beauvais Speculum historiale: 171, 172, 189 Virgil (P. Virgilius Maro): 39, 43 Aeneid: 48, 49 Vita S. Corbiniani: 142 Vita S. Eligii: vide Audoenus Vita et passio S. Evermari: 146-147 Vita S. Gregorii: 45, 46, 51, 52 Vita S. Reguli: 142 Vita S. Richarii: 164, 165 Vita S. Salvii: 148, 149 Vita S. Zenobii: 148 Völva (pagan Norse shaman): 99, 100 Walafrid Strabo Vita S. Galli: 95 Wandregisel, saint: 149, 156 West Africa: 207-238 Widukind, Saxon leader: 108 Wilhelm VI, count of Holland: 167, 192 William Langland Piers Plowman: 53, 54 William of Auxerre, theologian: 61 William of Conches Moralium dogma philosophorum: 168, 175 witchcraft: 86, 99-105 Wodan, pagan god: 87, 95, 96, 106 Wulfram, saint: 149, 156 Wycliff, John: 44 Xenocrates, Greek philosopher: 31 Xerxes I of Persia: 171, 175, 176 Yaqut Mu¨jam al-buldan (Dictionary of the Countries): 226, 231 Yeavering (Great Britain): 91 Zafqu (nation of -): 230 Zaghawa (kingdom of -): 231 Zaghawa (The -): 227, 228 Zanj (The -): 222-224, 231, 232 Zenobe of Florence, saint: 142, 148 Zeus: 28 Zoroastrianism: 209, 227-229, 237 Reprint from "Paganism in the Middle Ages" - ISBN 978 90 5867 933 8 - © Leuven University Press, 2013 95923_ML_XLIII_14_Index.indd 250 28/01/13 08:23